Ayub Khan (President of Pakistan)

Commander-in-chief

General Ayub Khan arriving to take command of the Pakistan Army in 17 January 1951.

Lieutenant General Sir Douglas Gracey relinquished the command of the Pakistan Army on 23 January 1951, under pressure of calls for "nationalisation" of the army.^[1] The Pakistan government already called for appointing native commanders-in-chief of army, air force, navy and dismissed deputation appointments from the British military.^[31][32] The Army GHQ sent the nomination papers to Prime Minister's Secretariat for the appointment of commander-in-chief.^[33] There were four-senior officers in the race: Major-General Akbar Khan, Major-General Iftikhar Khan, Major-General Ishfakul Majid, and Major-General N.A.M. Raza, among these officers Akbar was the senior-most as he was commissioned in 1920.^[34]

Initially, it was Gen. Iftikhar Khan (commissioned in 1929) who was selected to be appointed as first native commander-in-chief of the army, but he died in an airplane crash en route to take command after finishing the senior staff officers' course in the United Kingdom.^[33] All three remaining generals were bypassed including the recommended senior-most Major-General Akbar Khan and Major-General Ishfakul Majid (commissioned in 1924).^[33]

The Defence Secretary Iskandar Mirza, at that time, played a crucial role in lobbying for the army post selection as presenting with convincing arguments to Prime Minister Ali Khan to promote the junior-most Major-General Ayub Khan (commissioned in 1928, service number: PA-010) to the post despite the fact that his name was not included in the nomination list.^[33] Ayub's papers of promotion were controversially approved and he was appointed as the first native Commander in Chief of Pakistan Army with a promotion to four-star rank, a full general, on 17 January 1951 by Prime Minister Ali Khan.^[30]:34

Ayub's becoming the army chief marked a change in the military tradition of preferring native Pakistanis; it ended the transitional role of British military officers.^[35] Although the Pakistani government announced the appointment of navy's native commander in chief in 1951, it was Ayub Khan who helped Vice-Admiral M.S. Choudhri to be appointed as first native navy's commander in chief, also in 1953.^{[31][36]:93–94} The events surrounding Ayub's appointment set the precedent for a native general being promoted out of turn, ostensibly because he was the least ambitious of the generals in the line of promotion and the most loyal to civil government at that time.^[37] Ayub, alongside Admiral Choudhri, cancelled and disbanded the British military tradition in the navy and the army when the U.S. military's advisers were dispatched to the Pakistani military in 1955–57.^[38] British military traditions were only kept in the air force due to a British commander and major staff consisting of Royal Air Force officers.^[38]

In 1953, Ayub went on his first foreign visit Turkey as an army c-in-c, and was said to be impressed with Turkish military tradition; he met only with the Turkish Defence minister during his visit.^[39]:26 Thereafter, he went to the United States and visited the US State Department and Pentagon to lobby for forging military relations.^[39]:26 He termed this visit as "medical visit" but made a strong plea for military aid which was not considered due to India's opposition.^[39]:27

Three months before the end of his tenure as commander-in-chief of the army, Ayub Khan deposed his mentor, Iskandar Mirza, Pakistan's president, in a military coup – after Mirza had declared martial law and made Ayub Khan the chief martial law administrator.^[40]

Cabinet and Defence Minister

In 1954, Prime Minister Muhammad Ali Bogra's relations with the military and Governor-General Ghulam Muhammad deteriorated on issues of the economy.^[41]:191 Pressure had been built up to reconstruct the Cabinet which eventually witnessed with Lieutenant-General Ayub Khan becoming the Defence Minister and Iskander Mirza as Home Minister in 1954.^[41]:192[42]

On 24 February 1954, he signed the Central Treaty Organization (CENTO) and, together with Mirza, their role in the national politics began to grow.^{[41]:192–193} In 1954, the work on controversial program, the One Unit, began which would integrate the four provinces into one united political entity, known as West-Pakistan, as a counterbalance to East-Pakistan.^[43] Despite opposition from the ethnic parties and public in general, the program was launched by Prime Minister Bogra.^[43] In 1955, Prime Minister Bogra was dismissed by Governor-General Muhammad and he was succeeded by the new Prime Minister Muhammad Ali as the Defence Minister.^[43]

As an after of general elections in 1954 in East, the Awami League formed the government in East while the West was governed by the PML, but the PML government collapse soon after in West in 1956.^[43] He was called on to join the Cabinet as Defence Minister by Prime Minister H.S. Suhrawardy and maintained closer relations with Iskander Mirza who now had become the first President of the country after the successful promulgation of Constitution in 1956.^[43] In 1957, President Mirza renewed his extension to serve as an army chief of staff.^[44]

Around this time, the MoD led by General Ayub Khan began to see the serious interservice rivalry between the Army GHQ staff and the Navy NHQ staff.^{[45]:381–382} Commander in Chief of Navy Vice-Admiral M. S. Choudri and his NHQ staff had been fighting with the Finance ministry and the MoD over the issues of rearmament and contingency plans.^{[45]:381–382} Meanwhile, he continued to serve with Prime Minister Chundrigar and Feroz Noon's government as Defence Minister, and his resentment towards civilian politicians grew.^[43]

In 1958, he chaired the Joint Chiefs of Staff meeting where he became involved with heated discussion with Admiral M. S. Choudri.^[46] He reportedly complained against Admiral Choudri to President Mirza and criticized Admiral Choudri for "neither having the brain, imagination or depth of thought to understand such (defence) problems nor the vision or the ability to make any contribution."^[47] The impasse was broken with Admiral Choudhri resigning from the Navy in protest as result of having differences with Navy's plans of expansion and modernization.^{[36]:381[45]:94} In 1958, Vice-Admiral Afzal Rahman Khan, who was known to be confident of General Ayub Khan, was appointed as naval chief by President Mirza.^[48]:104

Constitutional and legal reforms

President Ayub Khan meeting Soviet Premier Alexei Kosygin in 1960s.

A Constitutional Commission was set-up under the Supreme Court to implement the work on the Constitution that was led by Chief Justice Muhammad Shahabuddin and Supreme Court justices.^[57] The Commission reported in 1961 with its recommendations but President Ayub remained unsatisfied; he eventually altered the constitution that was entirely different from the one recommended by the Shahabuddin Commission.^[57] The Constitution reflected his personal views of politicians and the restriction of using religions in politics.^[57] His presidency restored the writ of government through the his promulgated constitution and lifted the martial law enforced since 1958 that had banned the political freedom.^[57]

The new Constitution respected Islam but did not declare Islam as state religion and was viewed as a liberal constitution.^[57] It also provided for election of the President by 80,000 (later raised to 120,000) Basic Democrats who could theoretically make their own choice but who were essentially under his control.^[57] He justified this as analogous to the American Electoral College and cited Thomas Jefferson as his inspiration.^[58] The Ayub administration "guided" the print newspapers though his takeover of key opposition papers and, while Ayub Khan permitted a National Assembly, it had only limited powers.^[57]

On 2 March 1961, he passed and signed the "Muslim Family Laws" bill through the ordinance under which unmitigated polygamy was abolished, consent of the current wife was made mandatory for a second marriage, brakes were also placed on the practice of instant divorce where men could divorce women by saying:"I divorce you" three times under Islamic tradition.^[59]

The Arbitration Councils were set up under the law in the urban and rural areas to deal with cases of: (a) grant of sanction to a person to contract a second marriage during the subsistence of a marriage; (b) reconciliation of a dispute between a husband and a wife; (c) grant of a maintenance allowance to the wife and children.^[60]

Economy and infrastructure

Industrialization and rural development through constructing modern national freeways are considered his greatest achievements and his era is remembered for successful industrialization in the impoverished country.^[44] Strong emphasis on capitalism and foreign direct investment (FDI) in the industry is often regarded as "Great Decade" in the history of the country (both economical and political history).^[44] The "Great Decade" was celebrated, which highlighted the development plans executed during the years of Ayub's rule, the private consortium companies, industries and credited with creating an environment where the private sector was encouraged to establish medium and small-scale industries in Pakistan.^[44] This opened up avenues for new job opportunities and thus the economic graph of the country started rising.^[44] He oversaw the development and completion of mega projects such as hydroelectric dams, power stations, and barrages in all over the country.^[61]:81 During 1960–66, the annual GDP growth was recorded at 6.8%.^[62]

Several energy conservation programs were completed such as World's one of the largest dam, the Mangla Dam and several small dams and water reservoirs in West Pakistan while completing one dam in East Pakistan: Kaptai Dam.^[61]:85 Plans toward harnessing energy from nuclear sources were authorized by President Ayub against the wishes of his own administration over the cost of nuclear power plants.^[63]:54 Initially, there were two nuclear power plants to be established in the country: one was in Karachi and the second one in Dhaka.^[63]:54 It was Dr. Abdus Salam who had personally approved the project in Karachi against the wishes of his own government, while the project in East was never materialized.^[64]

Extensive education reforms were supposedly carried out and 'scientific development efforts' also supposedly made during his years.^[44] These supposed policies could not be sustained after 1965, and the economy collapsed and led to the economic declines which he was unable to control.^[65][66]

He also introduced a new curricula and textbooks for universities and schools after building many public-sector universities and schools were built during his era.^[67] He also introduced agricultural reforms according to which no one could occupy land less than 12.5 acres (500 irrigated land and 1000 unirrigated.) An oil refinery was established in Karachi, and these reforms led to 15% GNP growth of the country that was three times greater than that of India.^[44] Despite the increase in the GNP growth, the profit and revenue was gained by the famous 22 families of the time that controlled 66% of the industries and land of the country and 80% of the banking and insurance companies of Pakistan.^[44]

Defence spending

During his era, the Navy was able to induct submarines and slowly modified itself in terms of acquisitions of warships.^[31] However, he drastically reduced funding of military in 1950s and prioritized less on the issue of nuclear weapons in 1960s.^[63][68]:55 Major procurement of weapons for the military was relied from the United States's generous donations.^[68] Major funding was made available for military acquisitions and procurement towards conventional weaponry for conventional defence.^[68] In 1960s, Pakistani military had American produced conventional weaponry in terms Jeep CJ, M48 Patton, M24 Chaffee, and M16 rifles, F-86, and submarine– all acquired through Foreign Military Sales program.^[68] In 1961, President Ayub started the nation's full fledge space program that was established with the cooperation of the Air Force, and created civilian Suparco that launched unmanned space missions throughout 1960s.^{[63]:235–236}

He focused the nuclear issue towards civil power and bypassed recommendations towards military-use of nuclear technology and reportedly spend ₨. 721 million on civil-use of technology in terms of education and nuclear power plants.^[63]:53 Finance minister Muhammad Shoaib argued against spending on nuclear technology and was against of establishing a nuclear power plant in Karachi over on cost.^[63]:54 It was Dr. Abdus Salam who had personally approved the project against the wishes of his own government.^[64]

After the Sino-Indian war in 1962, the military appointments in civilian institutions grew further and defence spending on budget hiked.^[43] The physical size of the Pakistan Army's ground troops exponentially grew and the size of military budget grew from 5.79% (1960s) to 9.78% (1966) until being brought down to 6.1% (1967).^[43]

Foreign policy

U.S. alliance and 1960 U-2 incident

President Ayub with President Kennedy in Washington D.C., ca. 1961.

The foreign relations with the United States and European Union were prioritized and were main feature of his foreign policy while downplaying foreign relations with the Soviet Union. While he enjoyed support from President Dwight Eisenhower in 1950s and convinced the United States alongside with Prime Minister Ali Khan to forge military relations in an alliance against regional communism.^[69] His obsession towards modernization of the armed forces in shortest time possible saw the relations with United States as the only way to achieve his organization and personal objectives as he argued against civilian supremacy that would affect the American interests in the region as a result of an election.^[69]

President Ayub receiving President Johnson in Karachi, ca 1967.

Leasing an airbase in Peshawar in 1950s, the Central Intelligence Agency's spy activities grew immensely during his presidency but such activities were exposed in 1960 when the Soviet Union's air defence intercept and shot down the U-2 plane by the S-75 missile, and captured its pilot.^[69] This incident severely compromised the national security of Pakistan that brought the Soviet ire on Pakistan but President Ayub had all knowledge of the operation and full aware of what happened in the Soviet Union.^[69] While in United Kingdom to pay state visit, the CIA station chief told President Ayub who shrugged his shoulders and said that he had expected this would happen at some point.^[69]

Ayub Khan had to publicly offer his apologies to the Soviet Union after USSR Secretary General Nikita Khrushchev made a threat to bomb Peshawar.^[63]:43 President Ayub directed initiatives to Foreign Office to reduce tensions with the Soviet Union by facilitating state visits of Soviet Premier Alexei Kosygin and Soviet Foreign minister Gromyko in Pakistan on a condition of downplaying relations with the United States.^[63]:43

In 1960, he signed the historic frontier agreement with China despite the US urgings and was a significant event in history of Cold war where a non-communist country had entered in alliance with communist country.^[70]

In 1961–65, Ayub lost much of the support from President John Kennedy and President Lyndon Johnson who sought closer relations with India and placed an embargo on both nations during the war in 1965.^[71] In 1966–67, he wrestled with the United States' dictation on country's foreign policy while strengthening relations with Soviet Union and China, whereas he successfully signed a border agreement to resolve border disputes in 1960s.^[72] Relations with the Soviet Union were eventually normalized when the Soviets facilitated a peace treaty with India in 1965, and reached a trade treaty the following year.^{[73]:171–175} Despite initiatives made towards normalizing with Soviet Union, Ayub Khan remained inclined towards the United States and western world, having well-received President Johnson in Karachi in 1967.^[73]:174

In 1961–62, Ayub paid a state visit to the United Kingdom where he garnered a lot of public interests from the British public when his involvement was revealed in the Christine Keeler affair.^[74][75]

Presidential election of 1965

In 1964, President Ayub Khan had been confident in his apparent popularity and saw the deep divisions within the political opposition which ultimately led him to announce the presidential elections in 1965.^[81] He earned the nomination from Pakistan Muslim League (PML) and was shocked to see when Fatima Jinnah earned the nomination from the Combined Opposition Parties.^[81]

Fatima Jinnah had gained a lot of support from Karachi, Lahore, and various parts in West Pakistan and East Pakistan as opposed to President Ayub Khan.^[81] Jinnah targeted the Indus Waters Treaty and his over-reliance on the United States and troubled relations with the Soviet Union.^[81] During the elections, President Ayub earned notoriety when his son, Gohar Ayub Khan, was named in media for his involvement in authorizing political murders in Karachi, particularly those who supported Jinnah.^[82]

Angry protesters took their demonstrations in streets in Sindh and slogans were chanted against President Ayub.^[82] Fatima Jinnah won the landslide voting but Ayub Khan won the elections through the Electoral College.^[83] During this time, Ayub Khan exploited the intelligence community to tape politicians telephone and monitor their gatherings for his own advantage.^[81] For that purpose, the Military Intelligence became extremely active during the presidential elections keeping politicians in mass surveillance and while Intelligence Bureau taped telephone recordings rather than keeping their work nation's defence and security.^[84] This was the first time in the nation's history that intelligence community had directly interfered in the national politics, and intelligence community continued this role in successive years.^[84]

It was reported that the elections were widely rigged by the state authorities and machinery under the control of Ayub Khan and it is believed that had the elections been held via direct ballot, Fatima Jinnah would have won.^[81] The Electoral College consisted of only 80,000 Basic Democrats, who were easily manipulated by President Ayub Khan and bitterly won the elections with 64%.^[85] The election did not conform to international standards per many journalists of the time and many saw the results with great suspicions.^[81]

1969 nationwide riots and resignation

The controversial winning over Fatima Jinnah in presidential elections and the outcomes of war with India in 1965 brought devastating results for Ayub Khan's image and his presidency.^[86] Upon returning from Tashkent, Foreign Minister Bhutto went to the television media and criticized President Ayub for selling nation's honor and sacrifice which promoted President Ayub to deposed Bhutto.^[86] In Karachi, the public resentment towards Ayub had been rising since the 1965 elections and his policies were widely disapproved.^[87]

In 1967, Zulfikar Ali Bhutto formed the socialist Pakistan Peoples Party and attacked Ayub administration's economic, religious, and social policy while taking the nationwide tour.^[88]:196 Detention of Bhutto further inflamed the opposition and demonstration sparked in all over the country with East Pakistani Awami League charging Ayub administration of segregating policies towards East.^[88]:197 Labour unions called for labour strikes against Ayub Khan's labour legislation and dissatisfaction was widespread in the country from country's middle class by the end of 1968.^[88]:198 When the Ayub Khan was presented with the Six points by Rahman and Bhutto's called for disapproving Ayub; he responded by imprisoning both leaders but that made matters worst for Ayub's administration.^[88]:198 Left-wing parties, allied with the conservative mass, began advocating for the Islamic parliamentary democracy system against his presidential rule.^[89]

In 1968, he survived a failed assassination attempt while visiting Dacca and was visibly shaken after this attempt, according to the close aides; though this was not reported in the press of the day.^[90]

In 1969, Ayub Khan opened up the negotiations with the opposition parties in what was termed as "Round Table Conference" where he held talks with every opposition party except for Awami League and Pakistan Peoples Party.^[88]:198 However, no results were yielded and strong anti-Ayub demonstration sparked in all over the country that called for his resignation.^[88]:198 During this time, Ayub Khan survived a near-fatal cardiac arrest that put him out of the office, and later survived a paralysis attack that put him on wheelchair.^[91] The Police were unable to control the situation and the law and order situation worsen in the country, especially in East where the serious uprising and riots were quelled in 1969, that at one point, his Home and Defence Minister Vice-Admiral Rahman told the journalists that the "country was under the Mob rule and that Police were not strong enough to tackle the situation."^[92]

The PPP also led very strong protests, street demonstrations, and riots against the Ayub Khan's administration when the prices of food consumer products such as sugar, tea, and wheat, hiked up and eventually people widely disapproved of Ayub Khan by chanting slogans and employing insults on referring to Ayub in 1969.^[93]:39–40 On the streets of major cities of West Pakistan, there were massive wall chalking that were identified as derogatory and pejorative terms employed on Ayub and his image that made headlines in the print and electronic media.^[93]:41 Ayub Khan, himself, was shocked when hearing the young protesters and college students in West had been referring him to as "Dog".^[89] According to the Dawn editorial in 2014, it was first time in the history when the derogatory language was used against country's politicians.^[89]

Elements in the military began supporting the political parties that brought the demise of Ayub Khan's era, and on 25 March 1969, President Ayub Khan resigned from office and invited army chief General Yahya Khan to take over the control of the country.^[3]:48[91]

Criticism, personal wealth, and family

After 1965, the corruption in government, nepotism, and suppression of free speech, thought, and press increased unrest and turmoils in the country against Ayub administration.^[44] Public criticism of his personal and son's wealth increased and Ayub's image was shattered when his son's actions after his father's election in the allegedly rigged 1965 Presidential elections against Fatima Jinnah is a subject of criticism by many writers. In 2003, the nephew of the Quaid-i-Azam, Akbar Pirbhai, re-ignited the controversy by suggesting that she was assassinated by the Ayub Khan establishment.^[101][102] His son, Gohar, said that he led a victory parade right into the heartland of opposition territory in Karachi in a blatantly provocative move and the civil administration's failure to stop the rally led to fierce clashes between opposing groups with many locals being killed.^[103] Gohar Ayub Khan also faced criticisms during that time on questions of family corruption and cronyism through his business links with his father-in-law retired Habibullah Khan Khattak.

One Western commentator in 1969 estimated Gohar Ayub's personal wealth at the time at $4 million, while his family's wealth was put in the range of $10–20 million.^[104]

Ayub Khan is critiqued for the growth in income inequality 5 million people fell below the poverty line.^[105] He is also blamed for not doing enough to tackle the significant economic disparity between East and West Pakistan whilst he was aware of the acute grievances of East Pakistan he did try to address the situation. However, the Ayub Khan regime was so highly centralized that, in the absence of democratic institutions, densely populated and politicized East Pakistan province continued to feel it was being slighted.^[106]

Sadaf Farooq from School of Politics and International Relations at the University of Reading argued that workers wages fell by 60% in 1960s and the policy of promoting entrepreneur elite and Industrial cartels to get economic growth generated increasing regional and social tensions among the nation and the emergence of business and industrial cartels.^[107]

After his death, his family members became active in national politics in 1990s until present; however, his family members and sons have been subject of controversies since then.^[108] His son, Gohar, is an active member of conservative PML(N) and was the Foreign Minister in Sharif ministry in 1990s but was removed due to his controversial statements without authorization in regards to India.^[108] His daughter Begum Nasim Aurangzeb remained inactive in politics and was married to Miangul Aurangzeb, the Wali of Swat.^[108]

His grandson, Omar, served in the Aziz ministry as a Finance Minister in 2000s but joined the PML(N) in 2010; he was declared ineligible for general election held in 2013 due to the allegations proved for vote riggings.^[108] Another grandson, Yousaf, is a party worker of PTI, who was also declared ineligible for submitting fake documents to the Election Commission.^[108]

Foreign honour

•  United Kingdom : Honorary Knight Grand Cross of the Order of St Michael and St George (1961)
•  Malaya : Honorary Recipient of the Order of the Crown of the Realm (1962)^[109]