Anti-Americanism

"Liberators" poster

A 1944 German propaganda poster aimed at the Dutch

The "Liberators" poster distributed by Nazis in 1944 to a Dutch audience displays multiple elements of anti-American attitudes promoted by the Nazis. The title Liberators refers to a common Allied justification for attacking Germany (as well as the American B-24 Liberator bomber), and the poster depicts this "liberation" as the destruction of European cities. The artist was Harald Damsleth, a Norwegian who worked for the NS in occupied Norway.

• The decadence of beauty pageants (scantily-clad "Miss America" and "Miss Victory", "The World's Most Beautiful Leg") – or more generally, the putative sexual laxness of American women. The "Miss America" beauty pageant in Atlantic City had expanded during the war and was used to sell war bonds.^[51]
• Gangsterism and gun violence (the arm of an escaped convict holding a submachine gun). Gangsterism had become a theme of anti-Americanism in the 1930s.^[52]
• Anti-black violence (a lynching noose, a Ku Klux Klan hood). Lynching of blacks had attracted European denunciations by the 1890s.^[53][54]
• General violence of American society, in addition to the above (boxing-glove which grasps the money-bag). The theme of a violent American frontier was well known in the 19th century.^[55]
• Americans as Indian savages. As well as mockery of American genocide over Natives as well as land-theft, since it is a chieftain symbol here used as fashion trinket. ("Miss America" wears plains-Indian head-dress).
• The capitalism, pure materialism and commercialism of America, to the detriment of any spirit or soul (moneybag with "$" symbol). The materialism of America contrasted with the spiritual depth of European high culture is a common trope, especially in Scandinavia.^[56]
• Anti-semitism appears in most Nazi images of America. A Jewish banker is seen behind the money.
• The presence of blacks in America equals its "mongrelization", adding undesirably "primitive" elements to American popular culture, and constituting a potential danger to the white race (strongly muscular arms of a black male, a stereotypically-caricatured black couple dancing the "Jitterbug – Triumph of Civilization" in birdcage, which is portrayed as a degraded animalistic ritual). The degradation of culture, especially through miscegenation, resonated with European anxieties, especially in Germany.^[57]
• Decadence of American popular culture, and its pernicious influence on the rest of the world (dancing of jitterbug, hand holds phonograph record, figure of a European gullible "all-ears" dupe in lower foreground). The growing popularity of American music and dancing among young people had ignited a "moral panic" among conservative Europeans.^[58]
• Indiscriminate U.S. military violence (bloodied bomb for foot, metal legs, military aircraft wings), threatening the European cultural landmarks at lower right. The terror-bombing of cities was started at the very outset of war by the Nazis against Poland.
  • Hence the suggested falsity of American claims to be "Liberators" (the Liberator was also the name of a U.S. bomber plane).
• Nazis denounced American jingoism and war fervor (a business-suited arm literally "beating the drum" of militarism, "Miss Victory" and her drum-majorette cap and boots).^[59]
• The malevolent influence of American Freemasons (Masonic apron descending from drum) was a theme among conservative Catholics, as in Spain.^[60]
• Demonization of national symbols of the United States ("Miss Victory" waves the reverse side of 48-star U.S. flag, and the WW2-era Army Air Corps roundel – of small red disk within white star on large blue disk – is shown on one of the wings).

France

In France, the term "Anglo-Saxon" often is used in expressions of anti-Americanism or Anglophobia. It also has had more nuanced uses in discussions by French writers on French decline, especially as an alternative model to which France should aspire, how France should adjust to its two most prominent global competitors, and how it should deal with social and economic modernization.^[74]

In the 1950s the Suez Crisis of 1956 caused dismay among the French right, which already was angry at the lack of American support during Dien Bien Phu in 1954. For the Socialists and Communists of the French left, it was the Vietnam War and U.S. imperialism that were the sources of resentment.^[75] Much later, the alleged weapons of mass destruction in Iraq affair certainly dirtied the previously favourable image. In 2008, 85% of the French people considered the American government and banks to be most liable for the Financial crisis of 2007–2010.^[76]

In her contribution to the seminal book Anti-Americanisms in World Politics edited by Peter Katzenstein and Robert Keohane in 2006, Sophie Meunier writes about French anti-Americanism. She contends that although it has a long history (older than the U.S. itself) and is the most easily recognizable anti-Americanism in Europe, it may not have had real policy consequences on the United States and thus may have been less damaging than more pernicious and invisible anti-Americanism in other countries.^[77]

In 2013, 33% of the French had a "very unfavorable" or "somewhat unfavorable" view of Americans and 36% viewed the U.S. in a "very unfavorable" or "somewhat unfavorable" light.^[78]

Richard Kuisel, an American scholar, has explored how France partly embraced American consumerism while rejecting much of American values and power. He writes in 2013:

America functioned as the "other" in configuring French identity. To be French was not to be American. Americans were conformists, materialists, racists, violent, and vulgar. The French were individualists, idealists, tolerant, and civilized. Americans adored wealth; the French worshiped [sic] la douceur de vivre. This caricature of America, which was already broadly endorsed at the beginning of the century, served to essentialize French national identity. At the end of the twentieth century, the French strategy [was to use] America as a foil, as a way of defining themselves as well as everything from their social policies to their notion of what constituted culture.^[79]

Germany

German naval planners in the 1890–1910 era denounced the Monroe Doctrine as a self-aggrandizing legal pretension to dominate the West hemisphere. They were even more concerned with the possible American canal in Panama, because it would lead to full American hegemony in the Caribbean. The stakes were laid out in the German war aims proposed by the Navy in 1903: a "firm position in the West Indies," a "free hand in South America," and an official "revocation of the Monroe Doctrine" would provide a solid foundation for "our trade to the West Indies, Central and South America."^[80]

During the Cold War, anti-Americanism was the official government policy in East Germany, and dissenters were punished. In West Germany, anti-Americanism was the common position on the left, but the majority praised America as a protector against communism and a critical ally in rebuilding the nation.^[81] After reunification in 1990, the Communist Party in the East struggled on under a new name, "Die Linke", and maintained its old anti-American position. Today it warns that America is plotting to spoil Germany's friendly relationship with Russia. Germany's refusal to support the American war on Iraq in 2003 was often seen as a manifestation of anti-Americanism.^[82] Anti-Americanism had been muted on the right since 1945, but reemerged in the 21st century especially in the Alternative for Germany (AfD) party that began in opposition to European Union, and now has become both anti-American and anti-immigrant. Annoyance or distrust of the Americans was heightened in 2013 by revelations of American spying on top German officials, including Chancellor Merkel.^[83]

Netherlands

Although the Dutch have generally held a favorable attitude toward America, there were negative currents in the aftermath of World War II as the Dutch blamed American policy for the loss of their colonies in Southeast Asia to Indonesia. They credited their rescue from the Nazis in 1944–45 to the Canadian Army.^[84] Postwar attitudes continued the perennial ambiguity of anti-Americanism: the love-hate relationship, or willingness to adopt American cultural patterns while at the same time voicing criticism of them.^[85] In the 1960s, anti-Americanism revived largely in reaction against the Vietnam War. Its major early advocates were non-party-affiliated, left-wing students, journalists, and intellectuals. Dutch public opinion polls (1975–83) indicate a stable attitude toward the United States; only 10% of the people were unswervingly anti-American.^[86] The most strident rhetoric came from the left wing of Dutch politics and can largely be attributed to the consequences of Dutch participation in NATO.^[87]

Russia

Anti-American slogans, Victory Day in largely Russian-speaking Donetsk, Ukraine, 9 May 2014

Russia has a long history of Anti-Americanism, dating back to the early days of the Cold War. In some of the latest Russian population polls, United States and its allies, constantly top the list of "greatest threats".^[88][89] In 2013, 30% of Russians had a "very unfavorable" or "somewhat unfavorable" view of Americans and 40% viewed the U.S. in a "very unfavorable" or "somewhat unfavorable" light, up from 34% in 2012.^[78] Recent Polls from the Levada center survey shows that 71% of Russians have a negative or somewhat negative attitude to the U.S., up from 38% in 2013.^[90] It is the largest figure since the collapse of the USSR. In comparison to the 1990s the number of Russians unhappy with American policies at that time was only under 10%.^[91] In 2015, a new poll by the Levada center showed that 81% of Russians now hold unfavorable views of the United States, presumably as a result of U.S. and Western sanctions imposed against Russia because of the Ukrainian Crisis. Anti-Americanism in Russia is reportedly at its highest since the end of the Cold War. Sarah Mendelson argues that "As part of a broad crackdown on dissent after the eruption of antigovernment protests in 2011, Putin has managed to close nearly all space [used by] independent, critical voices."^[92][93]

United Kingdom

Anti-American banners in Liverpool, UK

According to a Pew Global Attitudes Project poll, during the George W. Bush administration "favourable opinions" of America between 2000 and 2006 fell from 83% to 56% in the United Kingdom.^[94]

News articles and blogs have discussed the negative experiences of Americans living in the United Kingdom.^[95]

Anti-American sentiment has become more widespread in the United Kingdom following the Iraq War and War in Afghanistan.^[96][97]

Ireland

Some Irish Republicans generally viewed the United States as the successor of the British Empire. This position became most persistent when Republicanism became dominated by socialists during the late 1960s and early 1970s. Irish Republican support for Palestinian Statehood, Arab Socialism, Latin American and African left-wing liberation movements and Serbia's claim over Kosovo as well as America's special relationship with the United Kingdom has been also been used to justify an anti-American stance. Anti-American sentiment has also increased among the general public since the 2003 Invasion of Iraq and the American military's usage of civilian facilities at Shannon Airport which potentially jeopardises Ireland's official neutrality stance.

Australia

The Australian Anti-Bases Campaign Coalition (AABCC) was formed on the basis of lobbying and protests that developed over the years from the 1960s when the majority of U.S. bases in Australia were established.^[98] It was founded by the New South Wales branch of the PND (People For Nuclear Disarmament).^[99] In 1974, several hundred people travelled to North West Cape from around Australia to protest and occupy the base.^[98] Anti-Americanism supposedly exists among school teachers in Australia, which has been condemned by conservative politicians.^[100][101] In August 2005, Treasurer Peter Costello condemned anti-American sentiment by teachers and criticised the teaching of history in Australian schools.^[100]

According to an article published by The Monthly magazine, Australians muttered stories about George W. Bush over glasses of beer and despaired of neoconservatism in coffee shops, lamenting the so-called Ugly American activities.^[102] According to the same article, Rupert Murdoch, an American who had renounced his Australian citizenship over two decades prior,^[103][104] said during a November 2006 visit to Australia that "he was worried about a "regrettable" anti-American sentiment in Australia."^[102] In a poll taken by U.S. magazine Reader's Digest with 1000 Australians, 15 percent of Australians described themselves as "anti-American". Another 67 percent held neutral views of America, and 17 percent said they were "pro-American". In the survey, 71 percent of Australians said they would not like to live in the US.^[105][106]

East Asia

China

In China, there has been a history of anti-Americanism, beginning with the general disdain for foreigners in the early 19th century that culminated in the Boxer Rebellion of 1900, which the US military participated in.

During the Second Sino-Japanese War and World War II, the US provided economic and military assistance to the Chiang Kai-shek regime against the Japanese invasion. In particular, the China Hands, American diplomats known for their knowledge of China, also attempted to establish diplomatic contacts with Mao Zedong's communists in their stronghold in Yan'an, with a goal of fostering unity between the Nationalists and Communists.^[107] However, relations soured after communist victory in the Chinese Civil War and the relocation of the Chiang regime to Taiwan, together with the start of the Cold War and rise of McCarthyism in US politics. While the US initially expected the Chiang regime to quickly fall, China and the US fought a major undeclared war in Korea, 1950–53, and as a result, President Harry S. Truman began advocating a policy of containment and sent the United States Seventh Fleet to deter a possible communist invasion of the island.^[108] The US signed the Sino-American Mutual Defense Treaty with Taiwan, which lasted until 1979, and during this period, the communist government in Beijing was not diplomatically recognized by the US. By 1950, virtually all American diplomatic staff had left mainland China, and one of Mao's political goals was to identify and destroy factions inside China that might be favorable to capitalism.^[109][110]

Mao initially ridiculed the U.S. as a "paper tiger," occupiers of Taiwan, "the enemy of the people of the world and has increasingly isolated itself" and "monopoly capitalist groups",^[111] and it was argued that Mao never intended on friendly relations with the U.S.^[112] However, due to the Sino-Soviet split and increasing tension between China and the Soviet Union, US President Richard Nixon signaled a diplomatic reapproachement with communist China, and embarked on an official visit in 1972.^[113] Diplomatic relations between the two countries were eventually restored in 1979. After Mao's death, Deng Xiaoping embarked on economic reforms, and hostility diminished sharply, while large-scale trade and investments, as well as cultural exchanges became major factors. Following the Tiananmen Square protests of 1989, the US placed economic and military sanctions upon China, although official diplomatic relations continued.^[114]

Anti-American protests in Nanjing following U.S. bombing of the Chinese embassy in Belgrade, 1999

Anti-American and Chinese nationalist sentiments surged following the Yinhe incident of 1993, where a Chinese ship was detained by the US Navy in international waters, allegedly containing chemical components headed for Iran, but was eventually cleared after months of inspection.^[115] The Third Taiwan Strait Crisis in 1996 has led Chinese officials to be concerned about a supposed China containment policy, and began viewing the United States as responsible for major issues that arise in the bilateral relationship between China and Taiwan, as they believe that American support of Taiwan is an effort to weaken their country.^[116] During this time, there is also a sense of disillusionment with the US among Chinese intellectuals, and popular books such as China Can Say No criticized US foreign policy towards China and promoted grassroots Chinese nationalism. Relations became severely strained by the U.S. bombing of the Chinese embassy in Belgrade in May 1999, which was blamed on an intelligence error but which some Chinese believed to be deliberate. The bombing, alongside the perceived lack of apology from the US, led to mass protests in Beijing and other major Chinese cities. In 2001, diplomatic relations were further damaged by the Hainan Island incident, where a collision between an US and Chinese aircraft resulted in the death of the Chinese pilot and detainment of the 24 American crew.

The election of US President Barack Obama in 2008 also signified a shift in American foreign policy towards China, and then Secretary of State Hillary Clinton called for a "Pivot to Asia", or rebalancing of US strategic and economic interests in East Asia, specifically freedom of navigation patrols in the South China Sea.^[117] This move is widely seen as attempts to counter Chinese interests in the region, and in response, the Chinese military began their own buildup in the region, such as the creation of its own Air Defense Identification Zone.^[118] Recently, in 2009, Luo Ping, a director-general at the China Banking Regulatory Commission, criticized America's laissez-faire capitalism and said that he hated America when the United States Treasury would start to print money and depreciate the value of the U.S. dollar, thus cheapening the value of China's purchase of U.S. bonds.^[119] Chinese hackers have also conducted extensive cyberwarfare against American institutions and citizens^{[120][121][122][122]} targeting the U.S. and its Western allies.^[123][124] Furthermore, China's leaders present their country as an alternative to the meddling power of the West.^[125] In 2013, 54% of the Chinese had a "very unfavorable" or "somewhat unfavorable" view of Americans and 53% viewed the U.S. in a "very unfavorable" or "somewhat unfavorable" light.^[78]

While the Chinese government officially condemned the September 11 attacks, privately there was a considerable number of Chinese citizens (mostly Chinese nationalists) who celebrated news of the terrorist attacks on U.S. targets. This was not the case in all of China, and in fact, tens of thousands of people visited the U.S. Embassy after the 9/11 attacks, leaving flowers, cards, funeral wreaths and hand-written notes of condolence on the pavement outside.^[126]

Analysts have argued that certain Hollywood films such as Django Unchained were allowed to slip past China's film censorship regime, as they depicted a negative view of American society. "The film depicts one of America's darker periods, when slavery was legal, which Chinese officials like to use to push back against criticism from the United States".^[127]

Japan

Okinawans protesting against the U.S. Marine Corps Air Station Futenma in Ginowan, 8 November 2009

In Japan, objections to the behavior and presence of American military personnel are sometimes reported as anti-Americanism, such as the 1995 Okinawa rape incident.^[128][129] The ongoing U.S. military presence in Okinawa remains a contentious issue in Japan.^[130]

While protests have arisen because of specific incidents, they are often reflective of deeper historical resentments. Robert Hathaway, director of the Wilson Center's Asia program, suggests: "The growth of anti-American sentiment in both Japan and South Korea must be seen not simply as a response to American policies and actions, but as reflective of deeper domestic trends and developments within these Asian countries".^[131] In Japan, a variety of threads have contributed to anti-Americanism in the post-war era, including pacifism on the left, nationalism on the right, and opportunistic worries over American influence in Japanese economic life.^[132]

Southeast Asia

Protesters in Kuala Lumpur take to the streets to demonstrate against the Innocence of Muslims film

South Asia

Iran

A protest in Tehran on 4 November 2015, against the United States, Israel, and Saudi Arabia

At the Iranian Foreign Ministry, in Tehran, a banner advertising an article written by Ayatollah Khomeini in which he is quoted as saying that America is the Great Satan

The chant "Death to America" (Persian: مرگ بر آمریکا) has been in use in Iran since at least the Iranian revolution in 1979,^[166][167] along with other phrases often represented as anti-American. A 1953 coup which involved the CIA was cited as a grievance.^[168] State-sponsored murals characterised as anti-American dot the streets of Tehran.^[169][170] It has been suggested that under Ayatollah Khomeini anti-Americanism was little more than a way to distinguish between domestic supporters and detractors, and even the phrase "Great Satan"^[171] which has previously been associated with anti-Americanism, appears to now signify either the United States or the United Kingdom.^[172][173]

The Iran hostage crisis that lasted from 1979 to 1981, in which fifty-two Americans were held hostage in Tehran for 444 days, was also a demonstration of anti-Americanism, one which considerably worsened mutual perceptions between the U.S. and Iran.^[174]

Jordan

Anti-Americanism is felt very strongly in Jordan and has been on the rise since at least 2003. Despite the fact that Jordan is one of America's closest allies in the Middle East and the Government of Jordan is pro-American and pro-Western, the anti-Americanism of Jordanians is among the highest in the world. Anti-Americanism rose dramatically after the 2003 invasion of Iraq, when the United States, the United Kingdom, Australia and many other allies, invaded Iraq to remove Saddam Hussein from power. According to several Pew Research Attitudes polls conducted since 2003, 99% of Jordanians viewed the U.S. unfavorably and 82% of Jordanians viewed American people unfavorably. Although 2017 data indicates negative attitudes towards the U.S. and American people have gone down to 82% and 61% respectively, rates of anti-Americanism in Jordan are still amongst the highest in the world.^[175]

Palestine

In July 2013, Palestinian Cleric Ismat Al-Hammouri, a leader of the Jerusalem-based Hizb ut-Tahrir, called for the destruction of America, France, Britain and Rome to conquer and destroy the enemies of the "Nation of Islam". He warned: "We warn you, oh America: Take your hands off the Muslims. You have wreaked havoc in Syria, and before that, in Afghanistan and in Iraq, and now in Egypt," shouted the cleric to the enthusiastic replies of the crowd. "Who do you think we are, America? We are the nation of Islam — a giant and mighty nation, which extends from east to west. Soon, we will teach you a political and military lesson, Allah willing. Allah Akbar. All glory to Allah".^[176] Al-Hammouri also warned U.S. president Barack Obama that there is an impending rise of a united Muslim empire that will instill religious law on all of its subjects.^[176]

Anti-Americanism in Palestine originates from an opposition to longstanding U.S. support of Israel.^[177]

Turkey

In Turkey, in 2009, anti-American protestors held signs saying "Obama, new president of the American imperialism that is the enemy of the world's people, your hands are also bloody. Get out of our country." when Barack Obama visited Turkey.^[178] Protestors also shouted phrases such as "Yankee go home" and "Obama go home".^[179][180]

In 2009 Ozgur Taskaya stated that the root of secular anti-Americanism in Turkey lay within the conspiracy theories about the USA.^[181]

Latin America

A Spanish satirical drawing published in La Campana de Gràcia (1896) criticizing U.S. behavior regarding Cuba by Manuel Moliné, just prior to the Spanish–American War. Upper text reads (in old Catalan): "Uncle Sam's craving", and below: "To keep the island so it won't get lost."

Cartoon depicting Theodore Roosevelt's Big Stick interventionism

Guerrillero Heroico, Che Guevara, one of the iconic images from the Cuban Revolution and more generally anti-imperialism. Photo by Alberto Korda, 1961.

Hugo Chávez strongholds in Caracas slums, Venezuela, often feature political murals with anti-U.S. messages.

In Latin America anti-American sentiment has deep roots and is a key element of the concept of Latin American identity, "specifically anti-U.S. expansionism and Catholic anti-Protestantism."^[183] An 1828 exchange between William Henry Harrison, the U.S. minister plenipotentiary rebuked President Simón Bolívar of Gran Colombia, saying "... the strongest of all governments is that which is most free", calling on Bolívar to encourage the development of a democracy. In response, Bolívar wrote, "The United States ... seem destined by Providence to plague America with torments in the name of freedom", a phrase that achieved fame in Latin America.

In the 1836 Texas Revolution, the Mexican province of Texas seceded from Mexico^[184] and nine years later, encouraged by the Monroe Doctrine and manifest destiny, the United States annexed the Republic of Texas – at its request, but against vehement opposition by Mexico, which refused to recognize Texas' independence – and began their aggressive expansion into Western North America.^{[185] :53–4, 57–8} Mexican anti-American sentiment was further inflamed by the resulting 1846–1848 Mexican–American War, in which Mexico lost more than half of its territory to the United States.^{[185]:57–8[186]}

The Chilean writer Francisco Bilbao predicted in America in Danger (1856) that the loss of Texas and northern Mexico to "the talons of the eagle" was just a foretaste of an American bid for world domination.^[27]:104 An early exponent of the concept of Latin America, Bilbao excluded Brazil and Paraguay from it, as well as Mexico, because "Mexico lacked a real republican consciousness, precisely because of its complicated relationship with the United States."^[187] Interventions by the US prompted a later ruler of Mexico, Porfirio Diaz, to lament "Poor Mexico, so far from God, and so close to the United States".^[27]:104 Mexico's National Museum of Interventions, opened in 1981, is a testament to Mexico's sense of grievance with the United States.^[27]:121

The 1855 American intervention in Nicaragua and the Spanish–American War of 1898, which turned Cuba's war of independence from Spain into US expansionism, making Cuba into a virtual dependency of the United States via the Platt Amendment to the Cuban constitution. The US action is consistent with the Big Stick ideology espoused by Theodore Roosevelt's corollary to the Monroe Doctrine that led to numerous interventions in Central America and the Caribbean, also prompted hatred of the U.S. in other regions of the Americas.^[188] A very influential formulation of Latin-American anti-Americanism, engendered by the 1898 war, was the Uruguayan journalist José Enrique Rodó's essay Ariel (1900) in which the spiritual values of the South American Ariel are contrasted to the brutish mass-culture of the American Caliban. This essay had enormous influence throughout Spanish America in the 1910s and 1920s, and prompted resistance to what was seen as American cultural imperialism.^[189] Perceived racist attitudes of the White Anglo-Saxon Protestants of the North toward the populations of Latin America also caused resentment.^[190]

'McCain – Obama presidential race' by Brazilian cartoonist Carlos Latuff

Anti-U.S. banner in a demonstration in Brazil, 27 January 2005

The Day of Remembrance for Truth and Justice in Buenos Aires, commemorating the victims of the Dirty War in Argentina, 24 March 2016

The Student Reform that began in the University of Cordoba (Argentina) in 1918 boosted the idea of anti-imperialism throughout Latin America and played a fundamental role for launch the concept to be developed over several generations. Already in 1920 the Federación Universitaria Argentina issued a manifesto titled Denunciation of the imperialism.^[191]

Since the 1940s, the relations with Argentina have been tense, when the U.S. feared regime of General Peron was too close to Nazi Germany. In 1954, American support for the 1954 Guatemalan coup d'état against the democratically elected President Jacobo Arbenz Guzmán fueled anti-Americanism in the region.^{[192][193][194]} This CIA-sponsored coup prompted a former president of that country, Juan José Arévalo to write a fable entitled The Shark and the Sardines (1961) in which a predatory shark (representing the United States) overawes the sardines of Latin America.^[27]:114

Vice-President Richard Nixon's tour of South America in 1958 prompted a spectacular eruption of anti-Americanism. The tour became the focus of violent protests which climaxed in Caracas, Venezuela where Nixon was almost killed by a raging mob as his motorcade drove from the airport to the city.^[195] In response, President Dwight D. Eisenhower assembled troops at Guantanamo Bay and a fleet of battleships in the Caribbean to intervene to rescue Nixon if necessary.^{[196] :826–34}

Fidel Castro, the late revolutionary leader of Cuba, tried throughout his career to co-ordinate long-standing Latin American resentments against the USA through military and propagandist means.^[197][198] He was aided in this goal by the failed Bay of Pigs Invasion of Cuba in 1961, planned and implemented by the American government against his regime. This disaster ruined American credibility in the Americas and gave a boost to her critics worldwide.^{[196]:893–907} According to Rubin and Rubin, Castro's Second Declaration of Havana, in February 1962, "constituted a declaration of war on the United States and the enshrinement of a new theory of anti-Americanism".^[27]:115 Castro called America "a vulture...feeding on humanity".^[196]:862 The United States embargo against Cuba maintained resentment and Castro's colleague, the famed revolutionary Che Guevara, expressed his hopes during the Vietnam War of "creating a Second or a Third Vietnam" in the Latin American region against the designs of what he believed to be U.S. imperialism.^[199]

The United States hastens the delivery of arms to the puppet governments they see as being increasingly threatened; it makes them sign pacts of dependence to legally facilitate the shipment of instruments of repression and death and of troops to use them.

— Che Guevara, 9 April 1961^[200]

Many subsequent U.S. interventions against democracy, support for military dictatorships, and mass murder campaigns in the region solidified Latin American anti-Americanism. These include 1964 Brazilian coup d'état, the invasion of the Dominican Republic in 1965, U.S. involvement in Operation Condor, the 1973 Chilean and 1976 Argentine coups d'état, and the Salvadoran Civil War, the support of the Contras, the training of future military men, subsequently seen as war criminals, in the School of the Americas and the refusal to extradite a convicted terrorist, U.S. support for dictators such as Chilean Augusto Pinochet, Nicaraguan Anastasio Somoza, Haitian Duvalier, Brazilian Emílio Garrastazu Médici, Paraguyan Alfredo Stroessner and pre-1989 Panamanian Manuel Noriega.^{[201][192][193][194]}

Many Latin Americans perceived that neo-liberalism reforms were failures in 1980s and the 1990s and intensified their opposition to the Washington consensus.^[202] This led to a resurgence in support for Pan-Americanism, support for popular movements in the region, the nationalisation of key industries and centralisation of government.^[203] America's tightening of the economic embargo on Cuba in 1996 and 2004 also caused resentment amongst Latin American leaders and prompted them to use the Rio Group and the Madrid-based Ibero-American Summits as meeting places rather than the United States-dominated OAS.^[204] This trend has been reinforced through the creation of a series of regional political bodies such as Unasur and the Community of Latin American and Caribbean States, and a strong opposition to the materialisation of the Washington-sponsored Free Trade Area of the Americas at the 2005 4th Summit of the Americas.

Polls compiled by the Chicago Council on Global Affairs showed in 2006 Argentine public opinion was quite negative regarding America's role in the world.^[205] Argentine public opinion of the U.S. and U.S. policies improved during the Obama administration, and as of 2010 was divided about evenly (42% to 41%) between those who viewed these favorably or unfavorably. In 2007, 26% of Argentines had a favourable view of the American people, with 57% having an unfavourable view, but this improved somewhat in 2013, with 38% having a favourable view and 40% having an unfavourable view.^[206][207]

Furthermore, the renewal of the concession for the U.S. military base in Manta, Ecuador was met by considerable criticism, derision, and even doubt by the supporters of such an expansion.^[208] The near-war sparked by the 2008 Andean diplomatic crisis was expressed by a high-level Ecuadorean military officer as being carried under American auspices. The officer said "a large proportion of senior officers," share "the conviction that the United States was an accomplice in the attack" (launched on by the Colombian military on a FARC camp in Ecuador, near the Colombian border).^[209] The Ecuadorean military retaliated by stating the 10-year lease on the base, which expired in November 2009, would not be renewed and that the U.S. military presence was expected to be scaled down starting three months before the expiration date.^[210]

In 2015, the Obama administration signed an executive order which imposed targeted sanctions on seven Venezuelan officials whom the White House argued were instrumental in human rights violations, persecution of political opponents and significant public corruption and said that the country posed an "unusual and extraordinary threat to the national security and foreign policy of the United States."^[211] Nicolás Maduro responded to the sanctions in a couple of ways. He wrote an open letter in a full page ad in The New York Times in March 2015, stating that Venezuelans were "friends of the American people" and called President Obama's action of making targeted sanctions on the alleged human rights abusers a "unilateral and aggressive measure".^[212][213] Examples of accusations of human rights abuses from the United States to Maduro's government included the murder of a political activist prior to legislative elections in Venezuela.^[214]

Maduro threatened to sue the United States over an executive order issued by the Obama Administration that declared Venezuela to be a threat to American security.^[215] He also planned to deliver 10 million signatures, denouncing the United States' decree declaring the situation in Venezuela an "extraordinary threat to US national security".^[216][217] and ordered all schools in the country to hold an "anti-imperialist day" against the United States with the day's activities including the "collection of the signatures of the students, and teaching, administrative, maintenance and cooking personnel".^[217] Maduro further ordered state workers to apply their signatures in protest, with some workers reporting that firings of state workers occurred due to their rejection of signing the executive order protesting the "Obama decree".^{[217][218][219][220][221][222]} There were also reports that members of Venezuelan armed forces and their families were ordered to sign against the United States decree.^[217]

Canada

Anti-Americanism in Canada has unique historic roots. When the Continental Congress was called in 1774, an invitation was sent to Quebec and Nova Scotia. However Canadians expressed little interest in joining the Congress, and the following year the U.S. Military invaded Canada, but was defeated at the Battle of Quebec. Although the American Articles of Confederation later pre-approved Canada as a U.S. state, public opinion had turned against them. Soon 40,000 loyalist refugees arrived from the United States, including 2,000 Black Loyalists, many of whom had fought for the Crown against the American Revolution. To them, the republic they left behind was violent and anarchic, ruled by money and mob rule.^[223]

Pro-British imperialists repeatedly warned against American-style republicanism and democracy as little more than mob rule.^[224]

In the early 20th century, Canadian textbooks portrayed the United States in a negative fashion. It had abandoned the British Empire and as a results was disorderly, greedy, and selfishly individualistic. By the 1930s, there was less concern with the United States, and more attention given to Canada's peaceful society, and its heroic efforts on behalf of Civilization in the World War. Close cooperation in the Second World War led to much more favorable image. In the 1945-1965 era, the friendly and peaceful border was stressed. Textbooks emphasized the role of the United States as an international power and champion of freedom with Canada as its influential partner.^[225]

In 1945-65, there was wide consensus in Canada on foreign and defense policies 1948 to 1957. Bothwell, Drummond and English state:

That support was remarkably uniform geographically and racially, both coast to coast and among French and English. From the CCF on the left to the Social Credit on the right, the political parties agreed that NATO was a good thing, and communism a bad thing, that a close association with Europe was desirable, and that the Commonwealth embodied a glorious past.^[226]

However the consensus did not last. By 1957 the Suez crisis alienated Canada from both Britain and France; politicians distrusted American leadership, businessmen questioned American financial investments; and intellectuals ridiculed the values of American television and Hollywood offerings that all Canadians watched. "Public support for Canada's foreign policy big came unstuck. Foreign-policy, from being a winning issue for the Liberals, was fast becoming a losing one."^[227] Apart from the far left, which admired the USSR, anti-Americanism was first adopted by a few leading historians. As the Cold War grew hotter after 1947, Harold Innis grew increasingly hostile to the United States. He warned repeatedly that Canada was becoming a subservient colony to its much more powerful southern neighbor. "We are indeed fighting for our lives," he warned, pointing especially to the "pernicious influence of American advertising....We can only survive by taking persistent action at strategic points against American imperialism in all its attractive guises."^[228] His anti-Americanism influenced some younger scholars, including Donald Creighton.^[229]