Sheikh Mujibur Rahman

After the Partition of India, Mujib chose to stay in the newly created Pakistan. On his return to what became known as East Pakistan, he enrolled in the University of Dhaka to study law and founded the East Pakistan Muslim Students' League. He became one of the most prominent student political leaders in the province. During these years, Mujib developed an affinity for socialism as the solution to mass poverty, unemployment, and poor living conditions.[13]

Rally on 21 February 1954 by Moulana Abdul Hamid Khan Bhashani and Mujibur Rahman marching barefoot to pay their tributes to the Language Movement Martyrs

Following the declaration of Muhammad Ali Jinnah on 21 March 1948, that the people of East Bengal would have to adopt Urdu as the state language, protests broke out amongst the population.[14] Mujib immediately decided to start a movement against this former planned decision of the Muslim League. In the same year on 2 March a conference was held at Dhaka University's Fazlul Haq Muslim Hall, with leaders of different political parties. In this conference, discussions about the movement against the Muslim League were discussed. From here on, the decision of the constitution of the All-party Parliamentary Council was decided. The strike was celebrated in Dhaka on 11 March 1948, at the direction of this council. During the strike, some other political activists, including Mujibur, were arrested in front of the secretariat building. But due to pressure from the student protest, Mujib and other student leaders were released on 15 March. On the occasion of their release the Rastrabhasa Sangram Parishad (National Language Action Committee) arranged a rally which took place at Dhaka University.[15] The police blocked this rally. In protesting police activities Mujib immediately announced a nationwide student strike on 17 March 1948.[14][16] On 19 March, he organized a movement aimed at securing the rights of the fourth class employees of Dhaka University. On 11 September 1948 he was again arrested

On 21 January 1949, Mujib was released from prison. Out of jail, he again became involved in the demand for the demand of the fourth class employees, for which he was fired from the university. But he refrained from acquiring these fines as illegal. In continuation of this, on 26 April, Muslim League-backed candidate Shamsul Haq won a by-election in Tangail. Mujib hunger striked in front of Vice Chancellor's residence for the success of his movement, for which he was again arrested. At that time he was expelled from Dhaka University. He was accused of leading the movement of the fourth-class workers' rights in the university. On 23 June Suhrawardy and Maulana Bhasani East Pakistan Awami Muslim League. After the formation, Mujib left the Muslim League and joined this new team. He was elected joint general secretary of party East Pakistan. He got out of prison in late June. After release he joined the movement against the food crisis. In September of that year he was temporarily detained for violating Section 144 but was released immediately.[9]

In early January 1950, the Awami Muslim League held an anti-famine procession in Dhaka on the occasion of the arrival of Pakistan's Prime Minister Liaquat Ali Khan to East Pakistan. Mujib was arrested this time because of his leadership. He was imprisoned for two years. On 26 January 1952, Pakistan's Prime Minister Khwaja Nazimuddin announced that Urdu would be the only state language of Pakistan. In spite of being kept in jail after this announcement, Mujib played a special role in organizing protests. He played the role of guiding the state Bengali language movement by issuing instructions from jail. After this it was decided to observe 21 February as the day of recognition for state language. At the same time Mujib decided to observe the fast on 14 February from jail. His fasting lasted 13 days. On 26 February, he was released from jail.[5][17][18][19]

Mujib with his mentor H. S. Suhrawardy and Chinese Premier Zhou Enlai in Dhaka, 1957

Mujib (standing second from left on bottom row) in the cabinet of A. K. Fazlul Huq in East Bengal, 1954

Mujib left the Muslim League to join Maulana Bhashani and Yar Mohammad Khan in the formation of the Awami Muslim League, the predecessor of the Awami League. Maulana Bhashani was elected as President while Yar Mohammad Khan was the treasurer. He was elected joint secretary of its East Bengal unit in 1949. While Suhrawardy worked to build a larger coalition of East Bengali and socialist parties, Mujib focused on expanding the grass-roots organization.[20] In 1953, he was made the party's general secretary, and elected to the East Bengal Legislative Assembly on a United Front coalition ticket in 1954.[21] Serving briefly as the minister for agriculture during A. K. Fazlul Huq's government, Mujib was briefly arrested for organizing a protest of the central government's decision to dismiss the United Front ministry.

He was elected to the second Constituent Assembly of Pakistan and served from 1955 to 1958.[5] The government proposed to dissolve the provinces in favour of an amalgamation of the western provinces of the Dominion of Pakistan in a plan called One Unit; at the same time the central government would be strengthened. Under One Unit, the western provinces were merged as West Pakistan during the creation of the Islamic Republic of Pakistan in 1956. That year East Bengal was renamed as East Pakistan as part of One Unit at the same time. Mujib demanded that the Bengali people's ethnic identity be respected and that a popular verdict should decide the question of naming and of official language:

Sir [President of the Constituent Assembly], you will see that they want to place the word "East Pakistan" instead of "East Bengal." We had demanded so many times that you should use Bengal instead of Pakistan. The word "Bengal" has a history, has a tradition of its own. You can change it only after the people have been consulted. So far as the question of One Unit is concerned it can come in the Constitution. Why do you want it to be taken up just now? What about the state language, Bengali? We will be prepared to consider one-unit with all these things. So I appeal to my friends on that side to allow the people to give their verdict in any way, in the form of referendum or in the form of plebiscite.[22]

In 1956, Mujib entered a second coalition government as minister of industries, commerce, labour, anti-corruption and village aid. He resigned in 1957 to work full-time for the party organisation.[23]

In 1958 General Ayub Khan suspended the constitution and imposed martial law. Mujib was arrested for organizing resistance and imprisoned till 1961.[5] After his release Mujib started organising an underground political body called the Swadhin Bangal Biplobi Parishad (Free Bangla Revolutionary Council), comprising student leaders, to oppose the regime of Ayub Khan. They worked for increased political power for Bengalis and the independence of East Pakistan. He was briefly arrested again in 1962 for organizing protests.[19]

Mujib announcing the Six Points in Lahore, 1966

Following Suhrawardy's death in 1963, Mujib came to head the Awami League, which became one of the largest political parties in Pakistan.[24] The party had dropped the word "Muslim" from its name in a shift towards secularism and a broader appeal to non-Muslim communities. Mujib was one of the key leaders to rally opposition to President Ayub Khan's Basic Democracies plan, the imposition of martial law and the one-unit scheme, which centralized power and merged the provinces.[25] Working with other political parties, he supported opposition candidate Fatima Jinnah against Ayub Khan in the 1964 election.[26] Mujib was arrested two weeks before the election, charged with sedition and jailed for a year.[19] In these years, there was rising discontent in East Pakistan over the atrocities committed by the Pakistani Armed Forces against Bengalis, and the neglect of the issues and needs of East Pakistan by the ruling regime.[27] Despite forming a majority of the population, Bengalis were poorly represented in Pakistan's civil services, police and military.[28] There were also conflicts between the allocation of revenues and taxation.[29] The 1965 war between India and Pakistan also revealed the markable vulnerability of East Pakistan compared to West Pakistan.

Unrest over continuing denial of democracy spread across Pakistan and Mujib intensified his opposition to the disbandment of provinces. In 1966, Mujib proclaimed a 6-point plan titled Our Charter of Survival at a national conference of opposition political parties at Lahore,[5] in which he demanded self-government and considerable political, economic and defence autonomy for East Pakistan in a Pakistani federation with a weak central government.[25] According to his plan:

1. The constitution should provide for a Federation of Pakistan in its true sense on the Lahore Resolution and the parliamentary form of government with supremacy of a legislature directly elected on the basis of the universal adult franchise.
2. The federal government should deal with only two subjects: defense and foreign affairs, and all other residuary subjects shall be vested in the federating states.
3. Two separate, but freely convertible currencies for two wings should be introduced; or if this is not feasible, there should be one currency for the whole country, but effective constitutional provisions should be introduced to stop the flight of capital from East to West Pakistan. Furthermore, a separate banking reserve should be established and separate fiscal and monetary policy be adopted for East Pakistan.
4. The power of taxation and revenue collection shall be vested in the federating units and the federal center will have no such power. The Federation will be entitled to a share in the state taxes to meet its expenditures.
5. There should be two separate accounts for the foreign exchange earnings of the two wings; the foreign exchange requirements of the federal government should be met by the two wings equally or in a ratio to be fixed; indigenous products should move free of duty between the two wings, and the constitution should empower the units to establish trade links with foreign countries.
6. East Pakistan should have a separate militia or paramilitary forces.

Mujib's points catalysed public support across East Pakistan, launching what some historians have termed the 6-point movement – recognized as the definitive gambit for autonomy and rights of Bengalis in Pakistan.[30][31] Mujib obtained the broad support of Bengalis, including the Hindu populace, and other religious communities in East Pakistan. However, his demands were considered radical in West Pakistan and interpreted as thinly veiled separatism. The proposals alienated West Pakistani people and politicians, as well as non-Bengalis and Muslim fundamentalists in East Pakistan.[32][33]

Mujib was arrested by the Pakistan Army and after two years in jail, an official sedition trial in a military court opened. Widely known as the Agartala Conspiracy Case, Mujib and 34 Bengali military officers were accused by the government of colluding with Indian government agents in a scheme to divide Pakistan and threaten its unity, order and national security. The plot was alleged to have been planned in the city of Agartala, in the Indian state of Tripura.[5] The outcry and unrest over Mujib's arrest and the charge of sedition against him destabilised East Pakistan amidst large protests and strikes. Various Bengali political and student groups added demands to address the issues of students, workers and the poor, forming a larger "11-point plan." The government caved to the mounting pressure, dropped the charges on 22 February 1969 and unconditionally released Mujib the following day. He returned to East Pakistan as a public hero.[34] He was given a mass reception on 23 February, at Racecourse ground and conferred with the title Bangabandhu, meaning Friend of the Bengal in Bengali.[34]

Joining an all-parties conference convened by Ayub Khan, President of Pakistan, in 1969, Mujib demanded the acceptance of his six points and the demands of other political parties and walked out following its rejection. On 5 December 1969 Mujib made a declaration at a public meeting, held to observe the death anniversary of Suhrawardy, that henceforth East Pakistan would be called "Bangladesh":

There was a time when all efforts were made to erase the word "Bangla" from this land and its map. The existence of the word "Bangla" was found nowhere except in the term Bay of Bengal. I on behalf of Pakistan announce today that this land will be called "Bangladesh" instead of East Pakistan.[19]

Mujib's declaration heightened tensions across the country. The West Pakistani politicians and the military began to see him as a separatist leader. His assertion of Bengali cultural and ethnic identity also re-defined the debate over regional autonomy.[35] Many scholars and observers believed the Bengali agitation emphasised the rejection of the Two-Nation Theory – the case upon which Pakistan had been created – by asserting the ethno-cultural identity of Bengalis as a nation.[36] Mujib was able to galvanize support throughout East Pakistan, which was home to a majority of the national population, thus making him one of the most powerful political figures in the Indian subcontinent. It was following his 6-point plan that Mujib was increasingly referred to by his supporters as Bangabandhu.[34][35]

Mujib campaigning in East Pakistan before the 1970 general election

On 12 November 1970 a major coastal cyclone the, 1970 Bhola cyclone, struck East Pakistan leaving hundreds of thousands dead and millions displaced. Bengalis were outraged, and unrest began because of what was considered the weak and ineffective response of the central government to the disaster.[37][38] Public opinion and political parties in East Pakistan blamed the governing authorities as intentionally negligent. The West Pakistani politicians attacked the Awami League for allegedly using the crisis for political gain. The dissatisfaction led to divisions within the civil services, police and Pakistani Armed Forces.[37][39]

In the Pakistani general elections held on 7 December 1970, the Awami League under Mujib's leadership won a massive majority in the provincial legislature, and all but two of East Pakistan's quota of seats in the new National Assembly of Pakistan, thus forming a clear majority.[40][5][41]

The largest and most successful party in the western wing of the nation was the Pakistan Peoples Party (PPP) headed by Zulfikar Ali Bhutto. He was completely opposed to Mujib's demand for greater autonomy.[42][43] Bhutto threatened to boycott the assembly and oppose the government if Mujib was invited by Yahya Khan (then president of Pakistan) to form the next government and demanded inclusion of the PPP. Much of the Pakistani military and the Islamic political parties opposed Mujib becoming Pakistan's prime minister. At the time neither Mujib nor the Awami League had explicitly advocated political independence for East Pakistan, but smaller nationalist groups were demanding independence for Bangladesh.[44]

Bhutto feared civil war, and sent a secret message to Mujib and his inner circle to arrange a meeting with them.[45][46] Mubashir Hassan met with Mujib and persuaded him to form a coalition government with Bhutto. They decided that Bhutto would serve as President, with Mujib as Prime Minister. These developments took place secretly and no Pakistan Armed Forces personnel were kept informed. Meanwhile, Bhutto increased the pressure on Yahya Khan to take a stand on dissolving the government.[47]

Mujib, Prime Minister of Bangladesh, with U.S. President Gerald Ford in 1974

Mujib briefly assumed the provisional presidency and later took office as the prime minister.

A new country, Bangladesh, begins with a lot of "rampage and rape of Bangladesh economy" by the Pakistani occupation force. In January 1972 Time magazine reported:

In the aftermath of the Pakistani army's rampage last March, a special team of inspectors from the World Bank observed that some cities looked "like the morning after a nuclear attack." Since then, the destruction has only been magnified. An estimated 6,000,000 homes have been destroyed, and nearly 1,400,000 farm families have been left without tools or animals to work their lands. Transportation and communications systems are totally disrupted. Roads are damaged, bridges out and inland waterways blocked. The rape of the country continued right up until the Pakistani army surrendered a month ago. In the last days of the war, West Pakistani-owned businesses—which included nearly every commercial enterprise in the country—remitted virtually all their funds to the West. Pakistan International Airlines left exactly 117 rupees ($16) in its account at the port city of Chittagong. The army also destroyed bank notes and coins, so that many areas now suffer from a severe shortage of ready cash. Private cars were picked up off the streets or confiscated from auto dealers and shipped to the West before the ports were closed.[67][68]

The politicians elected in 1970 formed the provisional Jatiyo Sangshad (parliament) of the new state. The Mukti Bahini and other militias amalgamated to form a new Bangladesh Army to which Indian forces transferred control on 17 March. Mujib described the fallout of the war as the "biggest human disaster in the world," claiming the deaths of as many as 3 million people and the rape of more than 200,000 women.[68]

Although the state was committed to secularism, Mujib soon began moving closer to political Islam through state policies as well as personal conduct.[69] He revived the Islamic Academy (which had been banned in 1972 for suspected collusion with Pakistani forces) and banned the production and sale of alcohol and banned the practice of gambling, which had been one of the major demands of Islamic groups.[69] In his public appearances and speeches, Mujib made increased usage of Islamic greetings, slogans, and references to Islamic ideologies. In his final years, Mujib largely abandoned his trademark "Joy Bangla" salutation for 'Khuda Hafez' preferred by religious Muslims. He also declared a common amnesty to the suspected war criminals, on some conditions, to get the support of far right groups as the communists were not happy with Mujib's regime. He declared, "I believe that the brokers, who assisted the Pakistanis during the liberation war has realized their faults. I hope they will involve themselves in the development of the country forgetting all their misdeeds. Those who were arrested and jailed in the Collaborator act should be freed before the 16 December 1974".[69] He charged the provisional parliament in order to write a new constitution, and proclaimed the four fundamental principles of "nationalism, secularism, democracy, and socialism," which would come to be known as "Mujibism".[70] Mujib nationalised hundreds of industries and companies as well as abandoned land and capital and initiated land reform aimed at helping millions of poor farmers.[71] A constitution was proclaimed in 1973 and elections were held, which resulted in Mujib and his party gaining power with an absolute majority.[5] He further outlined state programs to expand primary education in Bangladesh, sanitation, food, healthcare, water and electric supply across the country.

The Mujib government faced serious challenges, which including the rehabilitation of millions of people displaced in 1971, organising the supply of food, health aids and other necessities. The effects of the 1970 cyclone had not worn off, and the economy of Bangladesh had been immensely deteriorated by the conflict.[72] Economically, Mujib embarked on a huge nationalization program. By the end of the year, thousands of Bengalis arrived from Pakistan, and thousands of non-Bengalis migrated to Pakistan; and yet many thousand remained in refugee camps. Major efforts were launched to rehabilitate an estimated 10 million refugees. The economy began recovering and a famine was prevented.[73] A five-year plan released in 1973 focused state investments into agriculture, rural infrastructure and cottage industries.[74] But a famine occurred in 1974 when the price of rice rose sharply. In that month there was "widespread starvation started in Rangpur district. Government mismanagement had been blamed for that."[75] During the Mujib regime the country witnessed, industrial decline, growing Indian control over Bangladesh's industries, and counterfeit money scandals.[76]

After Bangladesh achieved recognition from major countries, Mujibur helped Bangladesh enter into the United Nations and the Non-Aligned Movement. He travelled to the United States, the United Kingdom and other European nations to obtain humanitarian and developmental assistance.[19] Mujibur maintained close ties with India.[77] He signed the 25-year Indo-Bangladeshi Treaty of Friendship, Cooperation and Peace,[78] which pledged extensive economic and humanitarian assistance and training from India for Bangladesh's security forces and government personnel.[79] Mujibur forged a close friendship with Indira Gandhi,[70] strongly praising India's decision to intercede, and professed admiration and friendship for India.[78] In the Delhi Agreement of 1974, Bangladesh, India and Pakistan pledged to work for regional stability and peace. The agreement paved the way for the return of interned Bengali officials and their families stranded in Pakistan, as well as the establishment of diplomatic relations between Dhaka and Islamabad.[80]

Mujibur sought Bangladesh's membership in the Organisation of the Islamic Conference (OIC), the Commonwealth of Nations and the Islamic Development Bank. He made a significant trip to Lahore in 1974 to attend the OIC summit, which helped improve relations with Pakistan.[69]

Mujibur was invited to Washington DC and Moscow for talks with American and Soviet leaders. He declared that Bangladesh would be the "Switzerland of the East", meaning that Bangladesh would remain non-partisan in the Cold War between the US and the Soviet Union.[81] Many Eastern European countries, particularly Yugoslavia, East Germany and Poland, enjoyed excellent relations with Bangladesh.[82] The Soviet Union supplied several squadrons of Mig-21 planes for the Bangladesh Air Force.[83]

Japan became a major aid provider to the new country. Although Israel was one of the first countries to recognize Bangladesh,[84] Bangladesh strongly supported Egypt during the Arab-Israeli War of 1973. In return, Egypt gave Bangladesh's military 44 tanks.[85]

At the height of Mujib's power, left wing insurgents, organized by the Jatiya Samajtantrik Dal party's armed wing, Gonobahini, fought against Mujib's government in order to establish a Marxist government.[86][87]

The government responded by forming an elite para-military force, the Jatiya Rakkhi Bahini, on 8 February 1972, initially formed to curb the insurgency and maintain law and order.[88][89] The force began a campaign of brutal human rights abuses against the general populace, including becoming involved in numerous charges of human rights abuse including political killings,[90][91][92] shootings by death squads,[93] and rape.[92] Members of the Jatiya Rakkhi Bahini were granted immunity from prosecution and other legal proceedings.[94][95] The force swore an oath of loyalty to Mujibur.[96]

Mujib's government soon began encountering increased dissatisfaction and unrest. His programs of nationalization and industrial socialism suffered from lack of trained personnel, inefficiency, rampant corruption, and poor leadership.[71] Mujib focused almost entirely on national issues and thus neglected local issues and government. The party and central government exercised full control and democracy was weakened, with virtually no elections organized at the grass roots or local levels.[97] Political opposition included communists as well as Islamic fundamentalists, who were angered by the declaration of a secular state. Mujib was criticized for nepotism in appointing family members to important positions.[98][70] [5] Intense criticism of Mujib arose over the lack of political leadership, a flawed pricing policy, and rising inflation amidst heavy losses suffered by the nationalized industries. Mujib's ambitious social programs performed poorly, owing to scarcity of resources, funds, and personnel, and caused unrest amongst the masses.[71]

The 1974 famine further intensified the food crisis, and devastated agriculture – the mainstay of the economy. The famine had personally shocked Mujib and profoundly affected his views on governance,[24] while political unrest gave rise to increasing violence. During the famine, between 70,000 and 1.5 million people died (Note: Reports vary).[99]

In response, he began increasing his powers. In 1974, Mujib declared a state of emergency. On 25 January 1975, the Fourth Amendment to the Constitution of Bangladesh was passed, replacing the parliamentary system with a presidential system, reducing the power of the National Parliament and Supreme Court, and codifying a One-party state into law.

On 24 February 1975, Mujib formed a new party, On 7 June 1975, Mujib's political supporters in his party and a few others amalgamated to form the only legal political party, the Bangladesh Krishak Sramik Awami League, commonly known by its initials—BaKSAL.[100][5] All MPs were required to join BaKSAL.[101][102] The party identified itself with the rural masses, farmers, and labourers and took control of all mechanisms of government. It also launched major socialist programs. Under this new system, Sheikh Mujib assumed the presidency and was given extraordinary powers. According to Time magazine:

Under the new system, executive powers are vested in the President, who will be elected directly every five years, and in a Council of Ministers appointed by him. Although an elected Parliament can pass legislation, the President has veto power and can dissolve Parliament indefinitely.[70][94][103]

BaKSAL was protested by different groups but they were punished by Mujib. It was known that Sheikh Mujib never accepted any criticism against him. Mujib was widely accused of the 40,000 killings by the Jatiya Rakkhi Bahini militia.[99] Using government forces and his existing militia of supporters called the Jatiyo Rakkhi Bahini, Mujib oversaw the arrest of opposition activists and strict control of political activities across the country.

Tomb of Mujibur in Gopalganj

The Bangabandhu Square Monument

Mujibur has been depicted on Bangladeshi currency, Taka and is the namesake of many Bangladesh public institutions.[120]

During Mujibur's tenure as the premier leader, Muslim religious leaders and some politicians intensely criticized Mujibur's adoption of state secularism. He alienated some nationalist segments, and those in the military who feared Bangladesh would become too dependent on India. They worried about becoming a satellite state by taking extensive aid from the Indian government and allying with that country on many foreign and regional affairs.[73][77] Mujibur's imposition of one-party rule, suppression of political opposition with censorship and abuse of the judiciary, also alienated large segments of the population. Historians and political scientists think that it derailed Bangladesh's development as a democratic state, contributing to its subsequent political instability and violence. The economy also collapsed due to widespread corruption in the same period. Lawrence Lifschultz wrote in the magazine, Far Eastern Economic Review, in 1974 that Bangladeshis considered "the corruption and malpractices and plunder of national wealth" "unprecedented".[121][122]

Zafrullah Chowdhury asserts that Mujibur himself was a major impediment to the fulfilment of those aspirations of the liberation, although he admits that he was a "great leader."[123]

Following his assassination, succeeding governments offered low-key commemorations of Mujibur. Restoration of his public image awaited the election of an Awami League government in 1996, which was led by his eldest daughter, Sheikh Hasina, the leader of the party. 15 August has since been commemorated as "National Mourning Day". The country keeps it flags lowered to half-mast in this day as a sign of mourning.[124][125][126] In 2016, the Awami League government passed a law that criminalized any criticism of Mujibur Rahman.[127]

Despite controversy and disagreement among politicians, Mujibur remains a popular figure in Bangladesh. In a 2004 BBC Bengali opinion poll, Mujibur was voted as the "Greatest Bengali of All Time".[128][129][130] The style of waistcoat that Mujibur wore during his political campaign is called a Mujib Coat (Bangla: মুজিব কোট) in Bangladesh.[131]

• After one year of independence and Mujib rule, Time magazine wrote:

In sum, Bangladesh had little reason to enjoy a happy first birthday. If it is not the "basket case" that Henry Kissinger once called it, neither has it become the Shonar Bangla (Golden Bengal) envisioned by Mujib. How much this is the fault of Mujib is a moot question. It is true that he has had little time in which to combat some of Bangladesh's immense problems. Nevertheless, some critics contend that he has wasted some time playing the role of popular revolutionary figure (such as personally receiving virtually any of his people who call on him) when he should have been concentrating more on serious matters of state. If, as expected, he is elected in March, Mujib will face a clear test of whether he is not only the father of Bangladesh but also its savior.[132]

• Cuban leader Fidel Castro compared Mujib's personality with the Himalayas during the Non-Aligned Summit in 1973.[133]
• Time magazine wrote ten days after his death:

Mujib returned to the most tumultuous welcome Dacca had ever seen—and a staggering array of problems in probably the poorest (and most densely populated) country on earth. There were virtually no civil servants and little industry. Ports were clogged, railroads destroyed, the educated elite savaged. Worse, what had not been destroyed in war was soon destroyed by a devastating drought in 1973 and floods last year that inundated three-quarters of the country.

Laudable Objectives. Facing spreading violence—there had been at least 6,000 political murders since independence—Mujib declared a state of emergency last December. He subsequently banned extremist parties on both the left and the right, brought the press under government control, and cracked down on corruption.

The moves met with general favor in Bangladesh, but there were those who were critical. "Do not forget I have had only three years as a free government," he reminded critics. "You cannot expect miracles." Yet even he seemed impatient for miracles in the end. No one ever doubted that his objectives were laudable. Mujib wanted nothing less than to build a "shonar Bangla," the golden Bengal of the poem by Rabindranath Tagore that serves as the country's national anthem.[134]

• In 2003, author David Ludden describe him as a "Forgotten Hero" in an article on Frontline.[135]
• In 30 October 2017, UNESCO recognised Mujib's 7th March Speech as part of the world's documentary heritage.[136]

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