Anti-Armenian sentiment

Azeri soldiers destroying the tombstones at the Armenian Cemetery in Julfa.

Anti-Armenianism exists in Azerbaijan on institutional[68] and social[69] levels. Armenians are "the most vulnerable group in Azerbaijan in the field of racism and racial discrimination."[70]

Throughout the 20th century, Armenians and Muslim inhabitants of the Caucasus (Azerbaijanis were called Caucasian or Azerbaijani Tatars before 1918) had been involved in numerous conflicts, including pogroms, massacres and wars. The two ethnic groups intensified "mutual distrust" and the clashes throughout the 20th century "have been significant factors in the shaping of the national self-consciousness of the two peoples."[71] From 1918 to 1920 organized killings of Armenians occurred in Azerbaijan, including in the cities of Baku and Shusha, the centers of Armenian cultural life under the Russian Empire.

However, the current xenophobia in Azerbaijan toward Armenia and Armenians have shaped mostly during the last years of the Soviet Union, when Armenians demanded the Moscow authorities to incorporate the mostly Armenian-populated Nagorno-Karabakh Autonomous Oblast with the Armenian SSR.[72] In response to Armenian claims, the Azerbaijani nationalists, most prominently the Azerbaijani Popular Front,[73][74] organized pogroms of Armenians in Sumgait, Kirovabad and Baku. An estimated of 350,000 Armenians left "in two waves in 1988 and in 1990 after anti-Armenian violence."[75]

The tensions eventually escalated into a large-scale military conflict over Nagorno-Karabakh. The Armenian forces took control of most of former NKAO and seven adjacent districts outside of NKAO area. A cease-fire was reached in 1994 and is still in effect as the Republic of Artsakh is de facto independent, while de jure inside the Azerbaijani borders.

Since then the Armenian side accuses the Azerbaijani government for carrying out anti-Armenian policy inside and outside the country, which includes propaganda of hate toward Armenia and Armenians and destruction of cultural heritage.[76][77][78] In 2011, the European Commission against Racism and Intolerance report on Azerbaijan stated that "the constant negative official and media discourse concerning the Republic of Armenia helps to sustain a negative climate of opinion regarding people of Armenian origin, who remain vulnerable to discrimination."[79]

A 19th-century Russian explorer, Vasili Lvovich Velichko, who was active during the period when the Russian tzarism carried out a purposeful anti-Armenian policy,[80] wrote "Armenians are the extreme instance of brachycephaly; their actual racial instinct make them naturally hostile to the State."[81]

According to a 2012 VTSIOM opinion research, 6% of respondents in Moscow and 3% in Saint Petersburg were "experiencing feelings of irritation, hostility" toward Armenians.[82] In the 2000s there have been racist murders of Armenians in Russia.[83][84][85] In 2002 an explosion took place in Krasnodar near the Armenian church which the local community believed was a terrorist act.[86]

Unrooted Armenian gravestones in a church yard in Velistsikhe, Kakheti, Georgia

In the late 19th century and early 20th century anti-Armenian sentiment was prevalent in both socialist and nationalist Georgian circles. The economic dominance of Armenians in Tbilisi fueled verbal attacks on Armenians. Droeba, an influential journal, described Armenians as people who "strip our streets and fatten their pockets" and "but the last piece of property from our indebted peasant families." Both Ilia Chavchavadze and Akaki Tsereteli, two major literary figures, attacked Armenians for their perceived mercantilism. Tsereteli portrayed Armenians as a flea sucking Georgian blood in one fable. Chavchavadze denounced Armenians for "eating the bread baked by someone else or drinking that which is creating by another's sweat." Chavchavadze's newspaper, Iveria, depicted Armenians as "sly moneylenders and unscrupulous traders," according to Stephen F. Jones. The Social Democratic Party of Georgia (Georgian Mensheviks) attacked the bourgeoisie and imperialism to liberate Georgia from both Russian imperialism and perceived Armenian economic exploitation. During the existence of the Democratic Republic of Georgia (1918–21), the independent Georgian government saw Armenians as a potential "fifth column" for their supposed loyalty to the First Republic of Armenia and subject to manipulation by foreign powers. The Georgian–Armenian War of December 1918 increased anti-Armenian sentiments in Georgia. In post-Soviet Georgia, first president Zviad Gamsakhurdia, an outspoken nationalist, viewed Armenians, along with other ethnic minorities, as "guests" or "aliens" who threaten Georgia's territorial integrity.[87]

Joseph Stalin wrote in his 1913 essay Marxism and the National Question:[88][89]

What exists in Georgia is anti-Armenian nationalism but this is because there is an Armenian big bourgeoisie which, by crushing the small and as yet weak Georgian bourgeoisie, thrusts the latter towards anti-Armenian nationalism.

Around the time of the 2007 parliamentary elections in the breakaway region of Abkhazia, the Georgian media emphasized the factor of ethnic Armenians in the area.[90] The Georgian newspaper Sakartvelos Respublika predicted that much of the parliament would be Armenian and that there was even a chance of an Armenian president being elected.[91] The paper also reported that the Abkazanian republic might already be receiving financial assistance from Armenians living in the United States.[91] Some Armenian analysts believe such reports are attempting to create conflict between Armenians and ethnic Abkhazians to destabilize the region.[91]

A policy of desecration of Armenian churches and historical monuments on the territory of Georgia has actively been pursued.[92][93][94] On November 16, 2008, Georgian monk Tariel Sikinchelashvili vandalised the graves of patrons of art Mikhail and Lidia Tamamshev.[93] The Armenian Church of Norashen in Tbilisi, built in the middle of the 15th century,[92] has been desecrated and misappropriated by the Georgian government despite the fact that both Armenia's and Georgia's Prime-Ministers have reached an agreement on not to maltreat the church.[93] Due to no law on religion, the status of Surb Norashen, Surb Nshan, Shamhoretsor Surb Astvatsatsin (Karmir Avetaran), Yerevanots Surb Minas and Mugni Surb Gevorg in Tbilisi and Surb Nshan in Akhaltsikhe is unknown since being confiscated during the Soviet era.[95] Since independence in 1991, Georgian clergy have occupied the Armenian churches. Armenians in Georgia and Armenia have demonstrated against the destruction. On November 28, 2008, Armenian demonstrators in front of the Georgian embassy in Armenia demanded that the Georgian government immediately cease encroachments on the Armenian churches and punish those guilty, calling the Georgian party's actions "white genocide."[96]

In August, 2011, Georgia's Culture Minister Nika Rurua sacked director Robert Sturua as head of the Tbilisi national theatre for "xenophobic" comments he made earlier this year, officials reported. "We are not going to finance xenophobia. Georgia is a multicultural country," Rurua said.[97] Provoking public outrage, Sturua said in an interview with local news agency that "Saakashvili doesn't know what Georgian people need because he is Armenian." "I do not want Georgia to be governed by a representative of a different ethnicity," he added.[97][98]

In July 2014, the Armenian Ejmiatsin Church in Tbilisi was attacked. The Armenian diocese said it was "a crime committed on ethnic and religious grounds."[99]

In 2018 the Tandoyants Armenian church in Tbilisi was gifted to the Georgian Orthodox Patriarchate. The Diocese of the Armenian Apostolic Holy Orthodox Church in Georgia stated that the church was “illegally transferred” to the Georgian Patriarchate. According to the Human Rights Education and Monitoring Center, Tandoyants is not the only historic Armenian church the Georgian Patriarchate has targeted. There are at least six others the Patriarchate has its sights set on.[100]

There has been historic prejudice against Armenians in the United States throughout various times, at least beginning from the early 1900s.

In early 1900s Armenians were among the group of minorities who were barred from loaning money, land, and equipment particularly because of their race. They were referred to as "lower class Jews". Moreover, in Fresno, California, among other minorities Armenians lived on one side of Van Ness Blvd., while the residents of European white origin lived on the other side. A deed from one home there stated, "Neither said premises nor any part thereof shall be used in any matter whatsoever or occupied by any Black, Chinese, Japanese, Hindu, Armenian, Asiatic or native of the Turkish Empire."[101]

In Anny Bakalian's book Armenian-Americans: From Being to Feeling Armenian, various groups of Armenians were polled for discrimination based on their identity. Roughly 77% of US-born Armenians felt they were discriminated in getting a job while 80% responded positively to a question whether they felt discriminated in getting admitted to a school.[102]

American historian Justin McCarthy is known for his controversial view that no genocide was intended by the Ottoman Empire but that both Armenians and Turks died as the result of civil war. Some attribute his denial of the Armenian Genocide[103] to anti-Armenianism, as he holds an honorary doctorate of the Turkish Boğaziçi University and he is also a board member of the Institute of Turkish Studies.[104][105]

On April 24, 1998 during a campus exhibit organized by the Armenian Students' Association at UC Berkeley, Hamid Algar, a Professor of Islamic & Persian Studies, reportedly approached a group of organizers and shouted, “It was not a genocide but I wish it was—you lying pigs!” The students also claimed that Algar also spit at them. Following the incident members of the Armenian Students' Association filed a report with campus police calling for an investigation.[106] After a five-month investigation the Chancellor's office issued an apology, though no hate charges were filed as incident did not create a "hostile environment." [107] On March 10, 1999 the Associated Students of University of California (ASUC) passed a resolution titled, "A Bill Against Hate Speech and in Support of Reprimand for Prof. Algar," condemning the incident and calling for Chancellor to review the University decision not to file charges.[107]

In 1999, after Rafi Manoukian got elected to Glendale City Council, one resident attended the Council’s meetings every week to “tell Armenians to go back where they came from.” Manoukian campaign had made a point to galvanize Glendale's large Armenian American electorate.[108]

In April 2007, the Los Angeles Times Managing Editor Douglas Frantz blocked a story on the Armenian Genocide written by Mark Arax, allegedly citing the fact Arax was of Armenian descent and therefore had a biased opinion on the subject. Arax, who has published similar articles before,[109] has lodged a discrimination complaint and threatened a federal lawsuit. Frantz, who did not cite any specific factual errors in the article, is accused of having a bias obtained while being stationed in Istanbul, Turkey. Harut Sassounian, an Armenian community leader, accused Frantz of having expressed support for denial of the Armenian Genocide and has stated he personally believed that Armenians rebelled against the Ottoman Empire, an argument commonly used to justify the killings.[109] Frantz resigned from the paper not long afterward, possibly due to the mounting requests for his dismissal from the Armenian community.[110]

In March 2012 three of five Glendale Police Department's officers of Armenian origin filed a lawsuit in Los Angeles County Superior Court against Glendale Police Department claiming racial discrimination.[111]

In 2012 surgeon's assistant Ani Chopourian, a graduate of UCLA and Yale, was awarded $168 million in punitive damages for racial and gender discrimination by her co-workers.[112][113]

Another incident that received less coverage was a series of hate mail campaigns directed at Paul Krekorian, a city council candidate for Californian Democratic Primary, making racist remarks and accusations that the Armenian community was engaging in voter fraud.[114]

In 2016, during a race between Glendale City Clerk Ardy Kassakhian and Glendale Council Member Laura Friedman for the 43rd District Assembly seat, Kassakhian’s campaign faced numerous threats and criticism based on the candidate's ethnicity. At one point in the campaign Kassakhian’s office was evacuated after receiving a phone call that threatened the safety of employees and volunteers.[115]

On April 20, 2016, Armenian genocide denial propaganda appeared in the sky over the Hudson River between Manhattan and Northern New Jersey. The skywriting featured messages such as "101 years of Geno-lie," "BFF = Russia + Armenia," and "FactCheckArmenia.com." The aerial stunt was part of a campaign by the website Fact Check Armenia, an Armenian Genocide Denialist site. The writing could be seen from roughly a 15-mile (24 km) radius. The media attention from the incident resulted in an official apology by the skywriting company.[116]

On April 21, 2016 students at Clark Magnet High School, which currently has 60% Armenian student body,[117] wrote an open letter accusing the school administrators of cultural insensitivity. In the letter students explained that as a day of remembrance students wore black T-shirts. Because of Clark's collar dress code policy school staff browsed through classrooms and gave detention slips to students who wore black T-shirts. They also accused one of the teachers of shaming their actions, who "according to more than fifty Clarkies, one of the faculty members called the students' patriotic actions a "disgrace to America" and stated that she considers them to be "disrespectful to other Americans."[118]

In the 4th episode of Season 3 of the CBS sitcom 2 Broke Girls (aired on October 14, 2013) "when a new cappuccino maker is brought into the cupcake store by a co-worker, he says he bought it for a cheap price from a person who stole it but sells it at a profit, adding 'it's the Armenian way.' When the character is pressed that he is not Armenian, he says 'I know. But, it's the Armenian way.'" This scene was characterized as "racist" by Asbarez Editor Ara Khachatourian, who criticized CBS for promotion of racial stereotypes in their shows.[119]

In the January 9, 2018 episode of the Comedy Central late-night program The Daily Show Trevor Noah stated: "This is, like, really funny. Only Donald Trump could defend himself and, in the same sentence, completely undermine his whole point. It would be like someone saying, ‘I’m the most tolerant guy out there, just ask this filthy Armenian.'"[120] Armenian American organizations criticized Noah for alleged racism against Armenians. In a joint press release the Armenian Bar Association and the Armenian Rights Watch Committee (ARWC) compared "Filthy Armenians" to racial epithets as "Dirty Jew" and "Lazy Nigger", which although "may have been intended to coax a laugh from the audience by ridiculing President Trump's self-proclaimed genius and tolerance," constitutes "affront and slander." The organizations called for The Daily Show and Trevor Noah to issue a retraction and an apology.[121] The Armenian National Committee of America (ANCA) also called for an apology.[122]

• Armenian Genocide
• List of anti-Armenian massacres
• Anti-Oriental Orthodox sentiment

• Hilmar Kaiser: Imperialism, Racism, and Development Theories. The Construction of a Dominant Paradigm on Ottoman Armenians, Gomidas Institute, Ann Arbor (MI) 1997