Traditional Kalenjin society

Traditional Kalenjin society is the way of life that existed among the Kalenjin speaking people prior to the advent of the colonial period in Kenya and after the decline of the Sirikwa societies in the late 1700's[1].

The Kalenjin semi-nomadic pastoralist tradition centered on the raising of cattle, sheep and goats and cultivating sorghum and pearl millet is of long standing. It has been dated back as far as the last millennium BC when Kalenjin speaking communities first arrived in Kenya.[2]

Geographic extent and divisions

The areas around Lake Baringo are home to a number of Kalenjin sections

The Kalenjin traditionally occupied, and still form the ethnic majority in, parts of geographical Western Kenya and the Rift Valley. The Kipsigis live in areas centered around Kericho, the Nandi around Kapsabet, the Keiyo and Markweta in Kerio Valley and Cherangany Hills. The Tugen inhabit North and South Baringo, the Sebeei areas around Mount Elgon and the Pokot the northern side of Mount Elgon and areas north of Lake Baringo.[3]

Occupation of the Rift Valley lands

A number of historical narratives from the various Kalenjin sub-tribes point to Tulwetab/Tulwop Kony (Mount Elgon) as their original point of settlement in Kenya.[4] and the settlement process is captured in folklore as a popular narrative of brothers. According to the account;

..the Kalenjin originated from a country in the north known as Emet ab Burgei, which means, the hot country. The people are said to have traveled southwards passing through Mount Elgon or Tulwet ab Kony in Kalenjin. The Sabaot settled around the slopes of the mountain while the others travelled on in search of better land. The Keiyo and Marakwet settled in Kerio Valley and Cherangani Hills. The Pokot settled on the northern side of Mount Elgon and later spread to areas north of Lake Baringo. At Lake Baringo, the Tugen separated from the Nandi and the Kipsigis. This was during a famine known as Kemeutab Reresik, which means, famine of the bats. It is said that during this famine a bat brought blades of green grass which was taken as a sign of good omen signifying that famine could be averted through movement to greener pastures. The Tugen moved and settled around Tugen Hills while the Kipsigis and the Nandi moved to Rongai area. The Kipsigis and Nandi are said to have lived as a united group for about a century but eventually were forced to separate due to antagonistic environmental factors. Some of these were droughts and invasion of the Maasai from Uasin Gishu.[5]

Mount Elgon, a common Kalenjin point of origin

Individual clan histories

A look at the individual clan histories shows that the Kalenjin Narrative of Origin over-simplifies the complex formation of the different Kalenjin groups. The significance of tracing individual clan histories in order to get an idea of Kalenjin groups formation has been shown by scholars such as B.E. Kipkorir (1978). He argued that the Tugen first settled in small clan groups, fleeing from war, famine and disease, and that they arrived from western, eastern and northern sections. There is even a section among the Tugen that claims to have come from Mount Kenya.[6]

The Nandi account on the Settlement of Nandi displays a similar manner of occupation of the Nandi territory. The Kalenjin clans that moved into and occupied the Nandi area, thus becoming the Nandi tribe, came from a wide array of Kalenjin speaking areas.

It thus appears that there were spatial core areas to which people moved and concentrated over the centuries, and in the process evolved into the individual Kalenjin communities known today by adopting migrants and assimilating original inhabitants.[7]

Kalenjin territory as a whole was not recognised as a geographic locality. The various Kalenjin sub-tribes however had a similar set of classifications of geographic localities within their respective tribal lands.

Em/emet

Em or emet, equivalent to county, was the highest recognised geographic division among the Kalenjin sections. This unit was identifiable as a political institution but the main work of civil control and administration was done by the kokwotinwek (plural of kokwet).[8] Linguistic evidence indicates that this form of societal organisation dates back to their Southern Nilotic heritage. It is believed that the Southern Nilotes of two thousand years ago cooperated in loose supra-clan groupings, called *e:m.[9]

Bororiet

This level of governance was unique to the Nandi section of the Kalenjin. The civil council of the bororiet consisted of elders from the senior-age grades of its constituent kokwotinwek. It functioned only to settle problems of common concern to the kokotinwek, such as inter-kokwet disputes and matters which a kokwet had failed to settle satisfactorily.[10]

Kok/Kokwet

The Kokwet was the most significant political and judicial unit among the Kalenjin. The governing body of each kokwet was its kokwet council; the word kokwet was in fact variously used to mean the whole neighbourhood, its council and the place where the council met.

The kokwet elders were the local authority for allocating land for cultivation; they were the body to whom the ordinary member of the tribe would look for a decision in a dispute or problem which defied solution by direct agreement between the parties.[11]

Governance & Military

Among the Kalenjin, there were no chiefs of any form. Each village or Kok, usually had a headman, celebrated for his wisdom or his wealth or both. He was henceforth distinguished by the name Ki-ruwok-in.[12]

The Nandi adopted the Maasai system of governance in the early-19th century, selecting an Orkoiyot who held precisely the same position as the Maasai Laibon, that is to say he was the supreme chief of the entire Nandi section. The Kipsigis would adopt this system of governance from the Nandi in the late-19th century.[13]

Military

Weapons

The arms of the fighting men usually consisted of a spear, shield, sword and club. By the late 19th century, up to four kinds of spears, representing various eras and areas were in use. In Nandi, the eren-gatiat, of the Sirkwa era was still in use though only by old men. It had a short and small leaf-shaped blade with a long socketed shank and a long butt. Two types of the Maasai era spear, known as ngotit, were also in use. Those of the eastern, northern and southern counties had long narrow blades with long iron butt, short socket and short shaft. Those of the central county (emgwen) had short broad blades with short iron butts. In the western counties, a spear that had a particularly small head, a long shaft and no butt was in use, it was known as ndirit.[14] The pastoral Pokot carried two Maasai era spears, known as ngotwa while the agricultural sections armed themselves with a sword, known as chok.[15]

Economy

The Kalenjin society was to a large extent self-sufficient in its needs and a significant amount of intra-tribal trade catered for basic wants.

Hunter client

A distinct pattern of trade in traditional Kalenjin economy was the hunter client relationship that was adopted during the Sirikwa era. Within this arrangement, the Okiek would provide produce of the forest that would be exchanged with the Kalenjin for produce of the land. Notable products in this exchange were honey, elephant ivory and rhino ivory.[16]

Smithing

By the early 20th century, there were a number of smiths (kitongik) in Nandi who spoke both Nandi and Maasai. The smiths gave the following account of their arrival. "After they had lost all their cattle from various causes, the Uasin Gishu Maasai quitted their homes and split up in different directions. Some of those who wandered into Nandi were hospitably received by Arap Sutek who was the only smith in Nandi at the time.[17]

Trade

Intra-Kalenjin TradeImportsExports
Kipsigis--
Nandi--
Tugencattle, goats and pottery[18]grain and honey[19]
Keiyograin and honey[20]cattle, goats and pottery[21]
Pokotgrain and honey[22]cattle, goats and pottery[23]
Sabaot--
Trade with neighboring tribes
Maasaiswords, spears and magical services[24]livestock
Okiekfruits, game meat, leopard & monkey skins, honey[25] and ivory[26]livestock[27]
Kisiigrains[28]livestock[29]
Luhyagrains[30] and tobacco pipes1livestock[31]
Trade with Eastern Kenya Markets
Swahili--

1. Primarily with the Nandi, the Kipsigis made a liquid snuff which was kept in a snuff box[32]

Religious beliefs

Religious Pillars

Three major religious pillars (the sun, thunder and lightning, and living spirits) were explained to have a bearing on Kalenjin religious beliefs. [33] However, additional pilars that include wild game and human specialists were included recently.[34] All these pillars are subsumed within Kalenjin fears and psychologies controlled by taboos and superstitions. [35]

Asis - the Supreme Being

The Kalenjin were monotheistic-worshippers of one Supreme Being—as were many African ethnic groups.[36]

Names of God

The main names for the Supreme Being in Kalenjin mythology were Asis and Cheptalel though other names were also used. For example, the Sabaot used the name Yeeyiin, the Suk used Iilat, the Marakwet used Chebet chebo Chemataw (daughter of the day), Cheptalil (the one who shines) and Chibo Him (man of the sky). Research has found over twelve main names which the Kipsigis used for the Deity of their traditional worship. The various names were used to indicate the salanik, the attributes of their Deity, much like Jah, Jehovah and Adonai are used in Judeo-Christian faith.[37]

Deities

Kalenjin natural philosophy describes two principal deities, Asis and Ilat.[38] Among the southern sections of the Kalenjin however there are three principal super-natural beings since Ilat's dual nature is identified as two separate deities, Ilet ne-mie and Ilet ne-ya[39]

Ilat/Ilet is associated with thunder and rain. He is said to inhabit deep pools and waterfalls[38] and that the rainbow are his discarded garments. Among the Nandi, Ilet ne-mie and Ilet ne-ya respectively are good and a bad thunder-gods. The crashing of thunder near at hand is said to be Ilet ne-ya trying to come to earth to kill people while the distant rumbling of thunder is Ilet ne-mie protecting man by driving away his name-sake. Forked lightning is the sword of Ilet ne-ya while sheet lightning is said to be the sword of Ilet ne-mie.[40]

Places of worship

The Kalenjin traditionally did not build a structure for worship, "as it was felt that this would have reduced His power and would have limited it to a particular building". They did, however, have three main places of traditional worship.[41]

  • Kaapkoros, which was a hilltop set aside for worship by the Kalenjin. When the Kalenjin or the various sections would settle at a place, one hilltop would be set aside for worship. As the tribe expanded and people moved further away from this point, other hilltops would be set aside as being sacred.[42] Evidently, the first kaapkoros took place very soon after the Kalenjin settled in Kenya—or even long before that time.[43] People gathered on average once a year at kaapkoros, where worship would be led by the priests, known as Tisiik.[44]
  • Mabwaita is a term used by the Kipsigis section for the family altar or prayer tree which was positioned to the east of the house as one exited from the door. The Nandi and Keiyo sections called it korosyoot. This was a duplicate of the one at kaapkoros and was the centre for worship and ceremonies connected with the home and family. [45]
  • Sach ooraan is a Kalenjin term used for the intersection of two or more paths or roads. Sach ang'wan is used for the place where four paths or roads branch off. Years ago when a crossroad was being used for a ceremony or practice, it was considered to be a shrine. It was remembered ever afterwards that the spot had been used for the removal of something bad. Children were not allowed to go near a shrine at an intersection. Casting a leaf at sach ooraan was a form of prayer to Asis to drive away disease.[46]

Genealogical divisions

Traditional Kalenjin society was divided into clans. Some of the more widespread clans include Toyoi, Tungo, Talai and Kapchepkendi. The members of the clans did not necessarily have a blood tie in common since immigrants into Kalenjin lands would often be accepted into an existing clan. The most notable example of this is the acceptance of members of the Segelai Maasai into the Talai clan among the Nandi.[47]

Social divisions

According to the Kalenjin social system, the male sex is divided into boys, warriors and elders. The female sex is divided into girls and married women. The first stage began at birth and continued till initiation.

Age set (Ipinda)

All boys who were circumcised together are said to belong to the same ipinda. These age sets played a significant role in traditional Kalenjin society since they were used to record time. Once the young men of a particular ipinda came of age, they were tasked with protecting the tribal lands and the society, the period when they were in charge of protection of the society was known as the age of that ipinda.[48] There were eight ages in general though this varied between sections as an age-set would temporarily be dropped from use if a disastrous occurrence occurred during the age of the ipinda.

Historically, there were eight cyclical age-sets or ibinwek, however the Nandi, Kipsigis and Tugen dropped one for a total of seven. As late as the early-1900s, the central Kalenjin groups initiated the same age-set concurrently while the outlying groups were one or at most two steps out of phase. It has been suggested that such synchronization suggests that most or all Kalenjin groups constituted not merely an ethno-linguistic category but a single information sharing system.[49]

There are corresponding female age-sets among the Marakwet; for example, Kaberur (male) – Chemeri/ Chemeri Kipchesum (female), Kaplelach (male)- Tabesit / Tabesit ruompo Laikok (female), Kipnyikew/ Kipmke (male)- Silingwa (female), Nyongi (male)- Kaptura (female), Maina (male) – Charkina (female), Chumo (male) – Kipturbei (female), Sowe (male)- Chelyong/ Kapcheusi (female), Korongoro (male)- Cheptentur/ Sikinkin/ Kesengen (female). The Marakwet still circumcise girls alongside boys. However, the naming of female age-sets changes according to prevailing events.[50]

In contemporary times, the age-set system has become a central focus of various academic studies that try to correlate the method with the Western system of time-reckoning in order to better place historical narratives in time.[51]

Age set Names

Sebei Maina Chumo Sowe Koronkoro Kwoimet Kaplelaich Nyikeao Nyonki
Sabaot Sowo Maina Gabaiyak Korongoro ?* Gamnenac Gamnyikewa Nyongiik
Nandi Maina Chuma Sawe - Kipkoiimet Kaplelach Kimnyigei Nyongi
Kipsigis Maina Chuma Sawe - Kipkoiimet Kaplelach Kipnyigei Nyongi
Keiyo Maina Chuma Sowe Korongoro Kipkoimet Kablelach Kimnyegeu Nyongi
Marakwet Maina Chumo Sowe Korongoro/ Kipkoimet Kaberur Kaplelach Kimnyigeu Nyongi[52]
Tugen - Chumo Sowe Korongoro Kipkoimet Kablelech Kimnikeu Nyonki
Pokot Maina Juma Sowe Korongoro Kipkoimet Kaplelac Merkutua Nyongu[53]

- *La Fontaine states there are eight "age classes" but lists seven names, the order of which is questionable.

Customs

Circumcision

The practice of circumcision straddled many aspects of traditional Kalenjin society; being a cycle in the traditional calendar (roughly equivalent to a century) and playing a significant role in military tradition during the Maasai era.

The Nandi have a tradition that the first man who practiced circumcision in Nandi is said to have been one Kipkenyo who came from a country called Do[54] (other accounts To, indicating the intervocalic Kalenjin *d sound - closest pron. Tto).

The story goes that Kipkenyo had a number of brothers and sisters who all died when they reached puberty, so Kipkenyo decided when he had a number of children of his own to 'change' them all at this age. He therefore circumcised them, and as none of his children died, the Nandi followed his example, with the result that circumcision became general.

— Hollis, A. C., The Nandi - Their Language and Folklore, 1909

This corresponds with linguistic studies which indicate a period of significant cultural transfer between Southern Nilotes and Eastern Cushities prior to Southern Nilotic entry into western Kenya.[55].

Linguistic studies places this point of cultural interaction at a place located near the common border between the Sudan, Uganda, Kenya, and Ethiopia.[56] This corresponds with the location mentioned in the narrative i.e Tuluet-ap-Seike (today Mt Sekker).[57]

Marriage

Female-female marriages within the Nandi culture have been reported,[58] although it is unclear if they are still practiced, and only about three percent of Nandi marriages are female-female. Female-female marriages are a socially-approved way for a woman to take over the social and economic roles of a husband and father. They were allowed only in cases where a woman either had no children of her own, had daughters only (one of them could be "retained" at home) or her daughter(s) had married off. The system was practiced "to keep the fire"—in other words, to sustain the family lineage, or patriline, and was a way to work around the problem of infertility or a lack of male heirs. A woman who married another woman for this purpose had to undergo an "inversion" ceremony to "change" into a man. This biological woman, now socially male, became a "husband" to a younger female and a "father" to the younger woman's children, and had to provide a bride price to her wife's family. She was expected to renounce her female duties (such as housework), and take on the obligations of a husband; additionally, she was allowed the social privileges accorded to men, such as attending the private male circumcision ceremonies. No sexual relations were permitted between the female husband and her new wife (nor between the female husband and her old husband); rather, the female husband chose a male consort for the new wife so she will be able to bear children. The wife's children considered the female husband to be their father, not the biological father, because she (or "he") was the socially designated father. Marriage. A man was usually in his middle twenties when he married.As males were circumcised only at twelve to fifteen year intervals,the youngest age for circumcision of boys being about thirteen years.Occasionally a boy was married in his teens where his father was wealthy or old and had no other sons who could inherit his property. Similarly, a girl was never married until she had been circumcised.Female initiations ceremonies took place every year from about a month after rains(iwot kot)march until(kipsunde) September so that there will be plenty of food for them.A bride would usually be in her middle or later teens and would have been circumcised within the previous two to three years having spent the intervening period in strict seclusion. Arrangement of marriage The first marriage of a man and a girl was arranged by their parents or guardians accordingly to the prospective bridegroom; a man with a marriageable daughter was obliged to wait until approached with an offer of marriage.On the other hand, a young man could ask his father to procure a wife for him he could name the particular girl of his choice. Polygamy was of course practiced by the tribe. Bride-wealth. The bride's father stated the bride-price(kanyiok) which varied slightly in amount from clan to clan but not within a particular clan.It would be in the region of two herd of cattle(one heifer and one ox)and three sheep and or goats.

Games

As elsewhere in Africa and the rest of the world, Kalenjin children had toys and played at different games. Small children were fond of building huts in the sand and would collect snails, pebbles and solanum berries to represent cows, sheep and goats. Small boys also played mock war games, arming themselves with wooden spears and shields and clubs made of bulrushes. Small girls made dolls out of the fruit of the sausage tree and dressed these up in skins and necklaces and bracelets made of seeds. Other games little children played included mororochet (frog), and kimnis where ten to twenty children would sit in a circle and pass a piece of live charcoal behind them. One child stood outside the circle and tried to guess who had the charcoal.

Youth and adults also had favorite past times. Big boys and girls sometimes had mock circumcision festivals but since children weren't allowed to talk of circumcision, they called it branding. Other games included talus (shooting the bow, which was said to represent the bleeding of oxen), chemosiraitet (high jump) and kangetet (lifting the spear).

Kechuiek, the almost universal game of bao was sometimes played by grown-up people though they did not make a board containing compartments as do many Bantu tribes but rather made holes in the earth in which they circulated seeds.[59]

Divisions of time

The Kalenjin year (kenyit) had two seasons known as olto (pl. oltosiek) and was divided into twelve months, arawet (pl. arawek).[60]

Seasons (oltosiek)

The first season of the year, olt-ap-iwot (iwotet), was the wet season and ran from March to August. The dry season, olt-ap-keme (kemeut), ran from September to February.[61]

The kipsunde and kipsunde oieng harvest ceremonies were held in September and October respectively to mark the change in Seasons.[62]

Months (arawek)

Name Meaning Corresponds
1st Month Kiptamo Hot in the fields February
2nd Month Iwat-kut Rain in showers March
3rd Month Wake - April[63]
4th Month Ngei Heart pushed on one side by hunger May
5th Month Rob-tui Black rain or black clouds June
6th Month Puret Mist July
7th Month Epeso - August
8th Month Kipsunde Offering to God in the cornfields September
9th Month Kipsunde oieng* Second offering to God October
10th Month Mulkul Strong wind November
11th Month Mulkulik oieng Second strong wind December
12th Month Ngotioto Month of pin-cushion plant January[64]

References

  1. ↑ Kyule, David M., 1989, Economy and subsistence of iron age Sirikwa Culture at Hyrax Hill, Nakuru: a zooarcheaological approach p.200-204
  2. ↑ Ehret, Christopher. An African Classical Age: Eastern & Southern Africa in World History 1000 B.C. to A.D.400. University of Virginia, 1998, p.178
  3. ↑ Chesaina, C. Oral Literature of the Kalenjin. Heinmann Kenya Ltd, 1991, p. 2
  4. ↑ Kipkorir, B.E. The Marakwet of Kenya: A preliminary study. East Africa Educational Publishers Ltd, 1973, pg. 64
  5. ↑ Chesaina, C. Oral Literature of the Kalenjin. Heinmann Kenya Ltd, 1991, p. 29
  6. ↑ De Vries, Kim. Identity Strategies of the Argo-pastoral Pokot: Analyzing ethnicity and clanship within a spatial framework. Universiteit Van Amsterdam, 2007 p. 47
  7. ↑ De Vries, Kim. Identity Strategies of the Argo-pastoral Pokot: Analyzing ethnicity and clanship within a spatial framework. Universiteit Van Amsterdam, 20007 p. 48
  8. ↑ Snell, G.S, Nandi Customary Law, (Kenya Literature Bureau: 1954), p.9-10.
  9. ↑ Ehret, Christopher. An African Classical Age: Eastern & Southern Africa in World History 1000 B.C. to A.D.400. University of Virginia, 1998, p.179
  10. ↑ Snell, G.S, Nandi Customary Law, (Kenya Literature Bureau: 1954), p.11.
  11. ↑ Snell, G.S, Nandi Customary Law, (Kenya Literature Bureau: 1954), p.10
  12. ↑ Beech M.W.H, The Suk - Their Language and Folklore. The Clarendon Press, Oxford, 1911, p. 6
  13. ↑ Hollis A.C, The Nandi - Their Language and Folklore. The Clarendon Press, Oxford, 1909, p. 40
  14. ↑ Hollis A.C, The Nandi - Their Language and Folklore. The Clarendon Press, Oxford, 1909, p. 31
  15. ↑ Beech M.W.H, The Suk - Their Language and Folklore. The Clarendon Press, Oxford, 1911, p.1
  16. ↑ Mhando, J., Safeguarding Endangered Oral Traditions In East Africa, Nationl Museums of Kenya[online]
  17. ↑ Hollis A.C, The Nandi - Their Language and Folklore. The Clarendon Press, Oxford, 1909, p. 36
  18. ↑ Kandagor, D. R, The Economic Transformation of the Tugen of Kenya, University of Nairobi, p. 20 online
  19. ↑ Kandagor, D. R, The Economic Transformation of the Tugen of Kenya, University of Nairobi, p. 20 online
  20. ↑ Kandagor, D. R, The Economic Transformation of the Tugen of Kenya, University of Nairobi, p. 20 online
  21. ↑ Kandagor, D. R, The Economic Transformation of the Tugen of Kenya, University of Nairobi, p. 20 online
  22. ↑ Kandagor, D. R, The Economic Transformation of the Tugen of Kenya, University of Nairobi, p. 20 online
  23. ↑ Kandagor, D. R, The Economic Transformation of the Tugen of Kenya, University of Nairobi, p. 20 online
  24. ↑ Kandagor, D. R, The Economic Transformation of the Tugen of Kenya, University of Nairobi, p. 20 online
  25. ↑ Ochieng, R., & Maxon, R., An Economic History of Kenya, East African Publishers, p.40 online
  26. ↑ Mhando, J., Safeguarding Endangered Oral Traditions In East Africa, Nationl Museums of Kenya[online]
  27. ↑ Ochieng, R., & Maxon, R., An Economic History of Kenya, East African Publishers, p.40 online
  28. ↑ Ochieng, R., & Maxon, R., An Economic History of Kenya, East African Publishers, p.40 online
  29. ↑ Ochieng, R., & Maxon, R., An Economic History of Kenya, East African Publishers, p.40 online
  30. ↑ Ochieng, R., & Maxon, R., An Economic History of Kenya, East African Publishers, p.40 online
  31. ↑ Ochieng, R., & Maxon, R., An Economic History of Kenya, East African Publishers, p.40 online
  32. ↑ Hollis A.C, The Nandi - Their Language and Folklore. The Clarendon Press, Oxford, 1909, p. 26
  33. ↑ Kipkorir B. E. and F. Welbourn, The Marakwet of Kenya: A Preliminary Study, Nairobi, 1973, 2008
  34. ↑ Kipchumba, P., An Alternative School of Thought for Africa: My Interactions with a Kenyan Diplomat B. E. Kipkorir, 2007-2012, Nairobi: Kipchumba Foundation, 2017. ISBN 978-1-9731-5996-4 ISBN 1-9731-5996-1
  35. ↑ Kipchumba Foundation, Aspects of Indigenous Religion among the Marakwet of Kenya, Nairobi: Kipchumba Foundation, 2017. ISBN 978-1-9732-0939-3 ISBN 1-9732-0939-X
  36. ↑ Fish B.C, & Fish, G.W, The Kalenjin Heritage: Traditional Religious and Social Practices. Africa Gospel Church, 1995, p. 3
  37. ↑ Fish B.C, & Fish, G.W, The Kalenjin Heritage: Traditional Religious and Social Practices. Africa Gospel Church, 1995, p. 3-4
  38. 1 2 Kipkorir B.E, The Marakwet of Kenya: A preliminary study. East Africa Literature Bureau, 1973, p. 8-9
  39. ↑ Hollis A.C, The Nandi - Their Language and Folklore. The Clarendon Press, Oxford, 1909, p. 40-42
  40. ↑ Hollis A.C, The Nandi - Their Language and Folklore. The Clarendon Press, Oxford, 1909, p. 99
  41. ↑ Fish B.C, & Fish, G.W, The Kalenjin Heritage: Traditional Religious and Social Practices. Africa Gospel Church, 1995, p. 3
  42. ↑ Fish B.C, & Fish, G.W, The Kalenjin Heritage: Traditional Religious and Social Practices. Africa Gospel Church, 1995, p. 24
  43. ↑ Fish B.C, & Fish, G.W, The Kalenjin Heritage: Traditional Religious and Social Practices. Africa Gospel Church, 1995, p. 46
  44. ↑ Fish B.C, & Fish, G.W, The Kalenjin Heritage: Traditional Religious and Social Practices. Africa Gospel Church, 1995, p. 25-26
  45. ↑ Fish B.C, & Fish, G.W, The Kalenjin Heritage: Traditional Religious and Social Practices. Africa Gospel Church, 1995, p. 47-48
  46. ↑ Fish B.C, & Fish, G.W, The Kalenjin Heritage: Traditional Religious and Social Practices. Africa Gospel Church, 1995, p. 57
  47. ↑ Hollis A.C, The Nandi - Their Language and Folklore. The Clarendon Press, Oxford, 1909, p. 49
  48. ↑ Hollis A.C, The Nandi - Their Language and Folklore. The Clarendon Press, Oxford, 1909, p. 11
  49. ↑ Daniels, R.E, The Extent of Age-set Co-ordination Among the Kalenjin, Nov 1982
  50. ↑ Kipchumba, Paul, Oral Literature of the Marakwet of Kenya, Nairobi: Kipchumba Foundation, p.37,
  51. ↑ Daniels, R.E, The Extent of Age-set Co-ordination Among the Kalenjin, Nov 1982
  52. ↑ Kipchumba, Paul, Oral Literature of the Marakwet of Kenya, Nairobi, 2016. p.37
  53. ↑ Daniels, R.E, The Extent of Age-set Co-ordination Among the Kalenjin, Nov 1982
  54. ↑  Hollis, A. C., The Nandi - Their Language and Folklore, Oxford, 1909, p.99
  55. ↑ Ehret, Christopher. An African Classical Age: Eastern & Southern Africa in World History 1000 B.C. to A.D.400. University of Virginia, 1998, p.162
  56. ↑ Clark, J., & Brandt, St, From Hunters to Farmers: The Causes and Consequences of Food Production in Africa. University of California Press, 1984, p.234[online]
  57. ↑  Hollis, A. C., The Nandi - Their Language and Folklore, Oxford, 1909, p.99
  58. ↑ Oboler, Regine Smith (Jan 1980). "Is the Female Husband a Man? Woman/Woman Marriage among the Nandi of Kenya". Ethnology. 19 (1): 69–88. doi:10.2307/3773320. JSTOR 3773320.
  59. ↑ Hollis A.C, The Nandi - Their Language and Folklore. The Clarendon Press, Oxford, 1909, p. 82
  60. ↑ Hollis A.C, The Nandi - Their Language and Folklore. The Clarendon Press, Oxford, 1909, p. 94
  61. ↑ Hollis A.C, The Nandi - Their Language and Folklore. The Clarendon Press, Oxford, 1909, p. 94
  62. ↑ Hollis A.C, The Nandi - Their Language and Folklore. The Clarendon Press, Oxford, 1909, p. 46
  63. ↑ Hollis A.C, The Nandi - Their Language and Folklore. The Clarendon Press, Oxford, 1909, p. 94
  64. ↑ Hollis A.C, The Nandi - Their Language and Folklore. The Clarendon Press, Oxford, 1909, p. 95
This article is issued from Wikipedia. The text is licensed under Creative Commons - Attribution - Sharealike. Additional terms may apply for the media files.