Convergence and Union

Convergence and Union
Convergència i Unió
Abbreviation CiU
President Artur Mas
General Secretary Ramon Espadaler
Founded 19 September 1978 (coalition)
2 December 2001 (federation)
Dissolved 17 June 2015
Headquarters C/Còrsega, 331-333
08037 Barcelona
Ideology Catalan nationalism[1][2][3]
Centrism[4][5][6]
Internal factions:
  Populism[5]
  Christian democracy[1][7][8]
  Liberalism[1][7]
  Conservatism[1][2][5]
  Catalan independentism[9]
  Social democracy[10][11]
Political position Centre[12][5][13] to centre-right[14][15][16][17]
European affiliation Alliance of Liberals and Democrats for Europe (CDC),
European People's Party (UDC)
International affiliation Liberal International (CDC),
Centrist Democrat International (UDC)
European Parliament group ALDE (CDC)
Colours      Orange (official)
     Dark blue (customary)
Town councillors in Catalonia
3,333 / 9,077
Website
www.ciu.cat

Convergence and Union (Catalan: Convergència i Unió, CiU; IPA: [kumbəɾˈʒɛnsi.ə j uniˈo]) was a Catalan nationalist electoral alliance in Catalonia, Spain. It was a federation of two constituent parties, the larger Democratic Convergence of Catalonia (CDC) and its smaller counterpart, the Democratic Union of Catalonia (UDC). It was dissolved on 17 June 2015.

CiU was a Catalan nationalist coalition. It was usually seen as a moderate nationalist party in Spain, although a significant part of its membership had shifted to open Catalan independentism in recent years and in 2014 demonstrated its intention to hold a referendum on Catalan independence. There is some debate as to whether the coalition was conservative[18] or centrist. Liberal tendencies dominate the larger CDC, while the smaller UDC is a Christian democratic party.[19] As for its position in the nationalist debate, it was deliberately ambiguous so as to appeal to the broadest spectrum possible, from voters who seek full independence from Spain to those who are generally satisfied with the present self-government status. In general, the CDC tends to be more supportive of Catalan sovereignty, while the UDC is considered closer to traditional Catalan autonomism and more nuanced nationalism. The electoral manifesto for the elections in 2012 states that "we want to build a wide social majority so that Catalonia can have its own State in the European frame, because Catalonia has the will to become a normal country among world's countries and nations".[20]

In the most recent regional elections, held on 25 September 2012, CiU won 30.71% of the vote. It lost 12 seats in the Catalan Parliament, bringing them to a total of 50 deputies. While they have more than twice as many deputies as any other party, they were left 18 seats short of a majority in the 135-member body. After the election, they entered into coalition with the Republican Left of Catalonia (ERC). El Periódico de Catalunya reported in August 2013 that the coalition may break apart due to fractions within the union about Catalan independence, with UDC opposing secessionism.[21]

On 18 June 2015 CDC spokespersons declared the CiU federation "finished", albeit amenable to an "amicable" separation. This occurred after an ultimatum had been issued by President Mas to UDC, due to their diverging positions on the Catalan independence process.[22]

Policies and ideology

CiU used to defend the notion of Catalonia as a nation within Spain, striving for the highest possible level of autonomy for Catalonia. However, it has recently become a pro-secession party.

CiU is generally considered a Catalan nationalist party; this is also the term it uses to describe itself. Both the Spanish and Catalan media perceive it as a moderate nationalist force. However, its liberal fraction (CDC) has a relatively strong current which advocates Catalan independence from Spain and which has grown stronger after 2006.[23][24][25] Many high ranking exponents of the Democratic Convergence define CiU as an independentist political force.[26][27][28] The party's president Artur Mas has stated he would vote in favour of Catalan independence in a theoretical referendum of independence, but he added this would not be his official policy if elected as President of Catalonia.[29]

On the other hand, the Christian democratic part of the coalition, the Democratic Union of Catalonia, is less favourable to the idea of an independent Catalonia. Nevertheless, several prominent members of the Democratic Union have also supported independence, especially since the late 2000s.[30] However, the supporters of independence within the Democratic Union are a minority with much less influence than their counterparts in the Democratic Convergence.[31]

Terms of office

At the Catalan level, CiU ruled the autonomous Catalan government during the 1980s until 2003 for 23 consecutive years led by Jordi Pujol (CDC). Pujol was succeeded in the party leadership by Artur Mas (CDC), while Unió's leader (second at the CiU level) is Josep Antoni Duran i Lleida. It then served in opposition to a tripartite centre-left government of the Socialists' Party of Catalonia (PSC), the Republican Left of Catalonia (ERC) and the Initiative for Catalonia Greens (ICV) until November 2010, when it regained power (but lacking an overall majority, still needing a coalition partner).

2008 General Elections

The party won 10 seats in the Congress of Deputies at the March 2008 elections.

CiU supported changes to the Catalan Statute of Autonomy to further increase Catalonia's autonomy. It is currently the most voted party at regional elections in Catalonia, but in 2003 lost its absolute majority and is the main opposition party at the Catalan autonomous level, having been replaced in the government by a centre-left tripartite coalition formed in 2003 and re-formed after the 2006 Catalan regional elections, which were called due to divisions in the coalition.

2010 Catalan elections

On Sunday 28 November 2010 (28-N) CiU regained control of the regional parliament after seven years in opposition, winning about 38 per cent of the popular vote, earning 62 seats out of the total 135.[32] Its platform was broadly centrist, and somewhat ambiguous about independence from Spain.

In the 2010 elections the turnout was just above 60%, and the Socialists' Party of Catalonia were considered the biggest losers, holding only 28 seats of their former 37. All other parties lost support, as well, except the liberal-conservative People's Party of Catalonia, which increased its support by 1.5%, and the liberal Citizens' Party which maintained their position.

2012 Catalan elections

On Sunday 25 November 2012 CiU maintained its control of the regional parliament by winning approximately 30 per cent of the popular vote and earning 50 seats of the total 135. This represents a drop in voter support since the 2010 election, with voter turn-out for the 2012 election at approximately 70%, or the highest since 1998.[33] It is also the lowest percentage of the vote the coalition has scored since its formation in 1988.

Electoral performance

Parliament of Catalonia

Parliament of Catalonia
Election Vote % Seats Status Leader
1980 752,943 (#1) 27.83
43 / 135
Government Jordi Pujol
1984 1,346,729 (#1) 46.80
72 / 135
Government Jordi Pujol
1988 1,232,514 (#1) 45.72
69 / 135
Government Jordi Pujol
1992 1,221,233 (#1) 46.19
70 / 135
Government Jordi Pujol
1995 1,320,071 (#1) 40.95
60 / 135
Government Jordi Pujol
1999 1,178,420 (#2) 37.70
56 / 135
Government Jordi Pujol
2003 1,024,425 (#2) 30.94
46 / 135
Opposition Artur Mas
2006 935,756 (#1) 31.52
48 / 135
Opposition Artur Mas
2010 1,202,830 (#1) 38.43
62 / 135
Government Artur Mas
2012 1,116,259 (#1) 30.71
50 / 135
Government Artur Mas

Congress of Deputies

Congress of Deputies
Election Spain Catalonia Status
Vote % Seats Vote % Seats
1979 483,353 (#5) 2.69
8 / 350
483,353 (#4) 16.38
8 / 47
Opposition
1982 772,726 (#5) 3.67
12 / 350
772,726 (#2) 22.48
12 / 47
Opposition
1986 1,014,258 (#4) 5.02
18 / 350
1,014,258 (#2) 32.00
18 / 47
Opposition
1989 1,032,243 (#5) 5.04
18 / 350
1,032,243 (#2) 32.68
18 / 46
Opposition
1993 1,165,783 (#4) 4.94
17 / 350
1,165,783 (#2) 31.82
17 / 47
Opposition
1996 1,151,633 (#4) 4.60
16 / 350
1,151,633 (#2) 29.61
16 / 46
Opposition
2000 970,421 (#4) 4.19
15 / 350
970,421 (#2) 28.79
15 / 46
Opposition
2004 835,471 (#4) 3.23
10 / 350
835,471 (#2) 20.78
10 / 47
Opposition
2008 779,425 (#4) 3.03
10 / 350
779,425 (#2) 20.93
10 / 47
Opposition
2011 1,015,691 (#5) 4.17
16 / 350
1,015,691 (#1) 29.35
16 / 47
Opposition

Senate

Senate
Election Spain Catalonia
Seats Vote % Seats
1979
1 / 208
496,250 (#4) 17.14
1 / 16
1982
5 / 208
with Cat.Senat
5 / 16
1986
8 / 208
987,691 (#2) 32.02
8 / 16
1989
10 / 208
1,003,952 (#2) 32.88
10 / 16
1993
10 / 208
1,185,248 (#2) 32.83
10 / 16
1996
8 / 208
1,154,117 (#2) 30.30
8 / 16
2000
8 / 208
969,852 (#2) 29.34
8 / 16
2004
4 / 208
941,763 (#2) 24.01
4 / 16
2008
4 / 208
857,264 (#2) 23.30
4 / 16
2011
9 / 208
906,319 (#2) 27.60
9 / 16

European Parliament

European Parliament
Election Spain Catalonia
Vote % Seats Vote %
1987 853,603 (#5) 4.43
3 / 60
843,322 (#2) 27.82
1989 666,602 (#5) 4.20
2 / 60
655,339 (#2) 27.53
1994 865,913 (#4) 4.66
3 / 64
806,610 (#1) 31.50
1999 937,687 (#4) 4.43
3 / 64
843,021 (#2) 29.28
2004 with Galeusca
1 / 54
369,103 (#3) 17.44
2009 with CEU
2 / 54
441,810 (#2) 22.44
2014 with CEU
2 / 54
549,096 (#2) 21.84

See also

Bibliography

  • Dowling, Andrew (2005). "Convergència i Unió, Catalonia and the new Catalanism". The Politics of Contemporary Spain. Rotledge. pp. 106–120.

References

  1. 1 2 3 4 Dowling, Andrew (2005), "Convergència i Unió, Catalonia and the new Catalanism", The Politics of Contemporary Spain, Rotledge, p. 106
  2. 1 2 Bukowski, Jeanie (2003), "Party Politics and Regional Strategies in Spain", Between Europeanization and Local Societies: The Space for Territorial Governance, Rowman & Littlefield, p. 173
  3. Hepburn, Eve (2009), "Degrees of Independence: SNP Thinking in an International Context", The Modern SNP: From Protest to Power, Edinburgh University Press, p. 199
  4. Paluzie, Elisenda (2010), "The costs and benefits of staying together: the Catalan case in Spain", The Political Economy of Inter-Regional Fiscal Flows: Measurement, Determinants and Effects on Country Stability, Edward Elgar Publishing, p. 366
  5. 1 2 3 4 Smith, Angel (2009), Historical Dictionary of Spain, Scarecrow Press, pp. 199–202
  6. Wiarda, Howard J.; Macleish Mot, Margaret (2001), Catholic Roots and Democratic Flowers: Political Systems in Spain and Portugal, Greenwood, p. 138
  7. 1 2 Pallarés, Francesc; Keating, Michael (2006), "Multi-level electoral competition: sub-state elections and party systems in Spain", Devolution and electoral politics, Manchester University Press
  8. Schrijver, Frans (2006), Regionalism after Regionalisation, Vossiuspers, Amsterdam University Press, p. 112
  9. Valandro, Franz (2002), A Nation of Nations: Nationalities' Policies in Spain, Peter Lang, p. 83
  10. Gibbons, John (1999), Spanish politics today, Manchester University Press, p. 51
  11. McNeill, Donald (1999), Urban Change and the European Left: Tales from the New Barcelona, Routledge, pp. 92, 184
  12. Paluzie, Elisenda (2010), "The costs and benefits of staying together: the Catalan case in Spain", The Political Economy of Inter-Regional Fiscal Flows: Measurement, Determinants and Effects on Country Stability, Edward Elgar Publishing, p. 366
  13. Wiarda, Howard J.; Macleish Mot, Margaret (2001), Catholic Roots and Democratic Flowers: Political Systems in Spain and Portugal, Greenwood, p. 138
  14. Colomer, Josep Maria (2002). Political institutions in Europe. Routledge. p. 183. Retrieved 24 November 2011.
  15. Znojek, Bartłomiej (18 November 2011). "Parliamentary Elections in Spain". PISM Bulletin. The Polish Institute of International Affairs. 104 (321). Retrieved 24 November 2011.
  16. "Spain: Political structure". The Economist. 17 July 2009. Retrieved 24 November 2011.
  17. Connor, Richard (29 November 2011). "Catalan election result deals blow to embattled Spanish government". DW World. Retrieved 24 November 2011.
  18. Sturcke, James (7 June 2006). "Catalan conundrum". The Guardian. London.
  19. Hough, Dan; Jeffery, Charlie (2006). Devolution and Electoral Politics. Manchester: Manchester University Press. p. 101. ISBN 978-0-7190-7330-4.
  20. Mas, Artur (2012). "Programa Electoral 2012" (PDF). CiU. Barcelona.
  21. http://www.elperiodico.com/es/noticias/politica/unio-piensa-una-candidatura-margen-cdc-2584889
  22. http://www.ara.cat/politica/Josep_Rull-comite_de_direccio-CDC-Unio-federacio_0_1378062345.html
  23. "Felip Puig: "La independencia de Catalunya sólo será posible a través de CiU"". Lavanguardia.es. Retrieved 23 December 2012.
  24. "El último deseo de Felip Puig es la independencia - Noticias Política - e-notícies". Politica.e-noticies.es. Retrieved 23 December 2012.
  25. ""El mejor instrumento para conseguir tranquila, pacífica y rigurosamente [la independencia de Cataluña] se llama CiU" | La Voz de Barcelona". Vozbcn.com. 2010-08-27. Retrieved 23 December 2012.
  26. "Oriol Pujol aclareix que CiU no és independentista - VilaWeb". Vilaweb.cat. 2010-07-19. Retrieved 23 December 2012.
  27. "David Madí, democràcia a sang freda". YouTube. 2007-11-09. Retrieved 23 December 2012.
  28. "Nació Digital: Àngel Colom: "La via més curta cap a la independència és CiU"". Naciodigital.cat. Retrieved 23 December 2012.
  29. "Artur Mas: Votaría sí en un referéndum sobre la independencia de Cataluña". Lavozlibre.com. Retrieved 23 December 2012.
  30. "Nació Digital: Vila d'Abadal: "El nostre país tornarà a ser lliure"". Naciodigital.cat. Retrieved 23 December 2012.
  31. "Archived copy". Archived from the original on 6 July 2011. Retrieved 17 December 2010.
  32. Mulligan, Mark (28 November 2010). "Catalan centre-right retakes political control". Financial Times Newspaper, London Nov 28, 22:00h. Financial Times. Retrieved 29 November 2010.
  33. Fotheringham, Alasdair (25 November 2012). "Nationalists triumph in Catalan elections". The Independent, London Nov 25, 22:00h. The Independent. Retrieved 25 November 2012.
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