Jeanine Áñez

Between 2006 and 2008, she served as a constituent assemblywoman for the drafting of the new constitutional charter, also working as part of the Judiciary.[9]

In 2010, she was elected to the Senate as a member of the party Plan Progress for Bolivia-National Convergence (P.P.B - C.N), representing the Department of Beni in the National Assembly.[9][16] She ran for governor of Beni in 2012.[17]

In 2011, she spoke out against the approval of a finance bill by the Morales government for the construction of the Villa Tunari-San Ignacio de Moxos highway. She claimed that it was not approved with due consideration for the native peoples and institutions of the region saying that "indigenous people's right was violated", a sentiment echoed by leader of the natives of the Isiboro Sécure National Park Indigenous Territory (TIPNIS), Adolfo Moye who said it was enacted "without considering the serious impact on the ecosystem and natural reserves of the region."[18]

In 2012, Añez and fellow party legislator Adrián Oliva presented a report to the Human Rights Commission of the Chamber of Deputies of Uruguay in an effort to publicise human rights violations in Bolivia. According to the UN refugee office, UNHCR, there were around 600 Bolivian exiles or refugees, a hundred political prisoners and at least 15 cases of torture at this time. The UN High Commissioner for Human Rights stated that there was a "crisis in the administration of justice" in Bolivia.[19] Also in 2012, Añez was selected as a Bolivian representative to the Amazonian Parliament.[20]

In 2013, there were a series of nationwide strikes and protests against the MAS government concerning the reduction of seats in the Chamber of Deputies for the areas of Beni, Potosí and Chuquisaca.[21] As Senator of Beni, Jeanine Añez joined picket lines and was among six legistlators and a dozen indigenous representatives of CONAMAQ that went on hunger strike in protest to the legistlation being passed by the MAS majority in both chambers.[22][23]

In 2014, Áñez made complaints about the lack of financial transparency from the government. Requests for reports as part of opposition legislators ability to audit the activities of the state were delayed and in 499 out of 1979 cases for the 2013-14 period received no response. The authorities, according to the regulations of the Chamber of Deputies, were permitted 10 business days to respond to a request for a report, and in the Senate, 15 days. If the request for a written report is not answered, an injunction can be issued to give a time limit of 48 hours. Áñez stated that in many cases, these injunctions were ignored and there was a "denial of information". Many of the projects had multi-million budgets with several interested parties for whom access is even more restricted. She stated that in many cases which do receive replies "they are responses without response". Responses included two sheets of photocopies, material unrelated to the request or boxes full of documents which do "not intend to clarify the doubts, but to hinder the work of the legislators."[24] In 2019–2020, many of these cases are under investigation.[25]

Áñez has spoken out against the proliferation of drug trafficking in South America.[26] In 2017, her nephew was arrested in Brazil for smuggling 480 kilos of drugs. The security minister Carlos Romero criticized Áñez and said that her position in the senate was "rogue" because of the relationship; Áñez responded by saying that she is not responsible for her nephew's actions, and criticized Romero because of his position in the government by saying that he is "responsible for the growth of drug trafficking". It was later revealed that another Bolivian arrested with drugs at the same time was the nephew of another politician, this time belonging to the MAS ruling party.[26]

In 2018, she was one of three Senators to make a complaint against Gisela López, then Minister for Public Works. This involved the management of the state-owned Bolivia TV and undocumented expenditure of more than $40 million. The case had already been the target of more than 30 obstructed complaints by a former minister.[27] In 2019, this would become the centre of the Neurona case in which López and 22 others "are suspected of the alleged crimes of improper use of influence, negotiations incompatible with the exercise of public functions, breach of duties, contracts harmful to the State and uneconomic conduct".[28] Also in 2018, she presented a bill to the Senate to combat "sexual blackmail" stating "Social networks lend themselves to everything, we have seen that the viralization of intimate videos has become an extortion mechanism , and on some occasions it is to blackmail psychologically and economically, so the intention is to penalize and specifically typify it".[29] In the wake of her becoming president, anti-Áñez posters spread a pornographic video with her as the alleged protagonist on social media which she denied and called a "vile attack".[30]

During her second senatorial term, Áñez was associated with legislative works to combat feminicides and violence against women which has become a continuing theme for her politically.[14]

By 2019, she was elected as the second vice president of the Senate, and her alternate was Franklin Valdivia Leigue.[4] This role placed her fifth in the line of succession to the presidency.[9] Before the presidential elections in 2019, Áñez had questioned the reliability of opinion polls, based on unclear methods and inconsistent results.[31]

In early 2019, Áñez called for an investigation into prison wardens in Beni after speaking to victims of rape and abuse on the part of guards. She aimed to set a precedent to bring in new legislation that can be upheld.[32]

On 10 November, Morales and his vice president, Álvaro García Linera, resigned from office after pressure from political opponents and civic groups, and loss of support from former political allies, the police and the military.[33] This was followed by the resignation of Adriana Salvatierra Arriaza, the president of the Bolivian Senate, who was next in the constitutional line of succession[34]—leading to a situation where all constitutional successors were exhausted. The role of acting President of the Senate would normally fall to the vice-president of the Senate, Rubén Medinaceli, but since he also had resigned, the position fell to Añez as second vice-president of the Senate.[35] Thus Añez became the highest-ranking official in the line of succession to the presidency of Bolivia and stated an acceptance to fill the role if needed. The succession was not automatic, however, as the Legislative Assembly would need to hold emergency meetings to accept the abdications of the President and Vice-President and determine who was next in line due to the lack of constitutional guidance.[36] Áñez could not attend an emergency assembly until the day after Morales' resignation, as she was in Beni and there were no Sunday flights from there to the capital of La Paz.[9]

On 11 November, Añez arrived at La Paz-El Alto airport and was taken in a military helicopter to a nearby Air Force base. From there, she traveled to the Bolivian Senate. At 4pm, an emergency vote took place to formally accept the resignations of the previous day.[37] Morales' MAS party, which still held a majority in the upper chamber, boycotted this vote. Constitutional experts Paul Coca and Israel Alanoca stated that, while the normal quorum would have been desirable for purpose of quelling accusations of a coup d'état, there was no specific regulation to deal with the resignation of leaders and an emergency vote on the grounds of human rights concerns and establishing social peace would be legally valid.[38]

On the evening of 12 November, per article 169 of the Constitution of Bolivia, Áñez was declared acting president of Bolivia in front of a session of the Plurinational Legislative Assembly.[39] This vote was also boycotted by MAS, who dubbed the vote "illegal".[40][41][42] Áñez obtained the favorable vote of the remaining parties, a third part of the parliament.[43] The move was later upheld by the Plurinational Constitutional Court.[44] This made Áñez the second female President of Bolivia, the first being Lidia Gueiler Tejada who served as interim president in 1979-1980 before being overthrown in a coup after the 1980 Bolivian general election.

On 13 November, Salvatierra contended that her resignation was not valid, for it had not been accepted by the Senate, and therefore Áñez should not be able to assume the Presidency through becoming President of the Senate.[45] This prompted a further session on the Senate on 14 November, this time with the involvement of MAS, that reaffirmed Salvatierra's resignation more formally and elected Mónica Eva Copa from the Movement for Socialism as the new President of the Senate.[46]

After taking office, the governments of Canada, Brazil, the European Union, Russia and the United States recognized Áñez as the acting president of Bolivia.[47]

Amid a pledge to "rebuild democracy", Añez unveiled her new cabinet. Her senior ministers included prominent businesspeople from Santa Cruz de la Sierra. The first eleven members of her cabinet did not include any members of the indigenous peoples in Bolivia, which The Guardian described as a sign that she did "not intend to reach across the country's deep political and ethnic divide". Later appointments of the remaining positions would include two indigenous members.[48][49] While Morales's first cabinet was majority indigenous (14 out of 16 positions), this number steadily decreased since 2009 and by 2017 contained only three indigenous members.[50][51]

On 15 November, amid continuing protests, violence and shortages in several main cities, Añez issued Decree 4078 to enlist the police and army to pacify the country. Article 3 of the decree reads "The personnel of the Armed Forces who participate in operations to restore internal order and public stability will be exempt from criminal liability when, in compliance with their constitutional functions, they acted in legitimate defense or state of necessity, in observance of the principles of legality, absolute necessity and proportionality."[52] This decree was criticised by several human rights groups, including the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights, Amnesty International, Human Rights Watch and the UN Human Rights Commission, who all called for its immediate revocation.[52] Amnesty International described it as a "carte blanche" for human rights abuses.[53]

The same day, there was a confrontation close to Sacaba with pro-Morales protesters, mainly coca growers, while they were attempting to cross a bridge on which a police cordon has been set up. 9 people were killed and 17 injured, and 11 had bullet wounds.[54] According to the preliminary OAS investigation, the group was initially met with verbal instructions that the UN Ombudsman’s Office was on its way to intervene. Moments later the police and military officers present allegedly opened fire on the civilians and also attacked them using teargas and by beating and kicking them. The police report states that 201 people were involved in "violent acts" and 10 men were arrested for the "crimes of armed uprising, possession and carrying of firearms, and manufacture and trade of explosive and suffocating substances", and state authorities maintained that the police had not opened fire, rather the protesters had shot one another.[55] On 28 November, the controversial decree was repealed by President Añez, but not before a further massacre occurred in the Senkata district of El Alto in which another 9 people were killed and more injured.[56][55] The Senkata gas refinery plant had been blockaded by protestors in previous days.[55] The official government response was, again, that they had not fired shots and that they had been under attack.[57] In the immediate aftermath, 7 people were arrested on alleged charges of terrorism and sedition, specifically on destruction of part of the wall of the Senkata refinery which the defence minister warned could have ended in a tragedy if gas tanks and other fuels exploded.[58] Concerning the deaths, President Áñez said "We deeply regret the deaths of our brothers in El Alto, it hurts us because we are a government of peace" and called for dialogue to listen to the demands of the protesters. In addition, she asked international organizations and the church to accompany this process in order to stop the violence. "Let's unite to reconcile, to build the Bolivia for which we are all fighting and so that one Bolivian is never above the other", said Áñez.[59]

On invitation by the government, the IACHR conducted an investigation into the deaths and injuries that occurred during this period of violence. On 10 December they published their preliminary observations, based on interviews conducted with eyewitnesses. They stated that "it is appropriate to describe these events as massacres, given the number of people who lost their lives in the same way and at the same time and place, and because the acts in question were committed against a specific group of people. Furthermore, the patterns of injuries that have been recorded point strongly to extrajudicial killing practices. They "reminded the Bolivian state that lethal force cannot be used merely to maintain or restore public order" and urged that those responsible be prosecuted, investigated, and sanctioned.[55][60]

On 7 December 2019, the government offered compensation of 50000 Bolivianos ($7500) to victims' families, with a clause that dictated that they must give up their right to file international judicial complaints on the matter. This was rejected by the families and criticized by human rights activist Ruth Llanos as an attempt to "silence the complaints of the victims' families".[61] After the IACHR's preliminary report and ongoing talks, the proposed agreement was changed to remove the clause that prevented international complaints, and the compensation offered was increased to 100000 Bolivianos ($15000) for families of those killed and from 12500 to 50000 Bolivianos for those injured, the amount depending on severity. By request of the families, the amount is to be given in humanitarian aid (including 12 months of food) rather than a single payment. A final agreement has not been reached as there is general mistrust in the government to follow through on their promises.[62]

During a Legislative Assembly session on June 15 2020, Minister of Justice Álvaro Coimbra referenced the deployment of security forces in November 2019 and spoke of the potential of another such deployment, without specifically alluding to the two massacres. He said "I assure you that if MAS tries to destabilize this constitutional government, the Armed Forces and the Police are going out into the streets to impose order, without need to declare a State of exception, as was already done in November."[63]

On that same day, a tenth victim died of wounds received in the Sacaba massacre. The Bolivian Human Rights Ombudsman said that the victim had "not received any assistance and died completely abandoned by the state," and demanded compliance in particular with the parts of Supreme Decree 4100 that had mandated the financial coverage of medical care for victims.[64] They also denounced that, after seven months, no advances had yet been made into the investigation into the massacre, stating "seven months after what happened, the victims are still waiting to receive justice for what happened and the compensation promised by the State."[65] In March 2020, a multi-party commission composed of members of MAS, PDC and UD was convened by the Plurinational Assembly to investigate the deaths at the two locations. "ALP forms a Special Joint Commission to investigate the deaths in Senkata and Sacaba in 2019" (in Spanish). 6 March 2020.</ref> Their findings are due by August 20.[66]

Early on, Áñez stated that Morales would not be permitted to run in an upcoming election for a fourth term, should he return to Bolivia.[67][68] This was verified by the Constitutional Court, which reversed its decision to overturn the 2016 Bolivian constitutional referendum (the results of the referendum barred all public figures from having an unlimited number of terms). This also prevented the vice-president from running for a fourth term. The decision was further ratified on 23 November when a bill was first approved by the Senate and then later in the day by the lower house, both of which are dominated by Morales' Movement Toward Socialism party.[69]

On 23 November, Áñez rejected a bill presented by Morales' party that would have prevented the ousted president, and all others in his party, from being tried for alleged crimes committed during the exercise of their functions to date. "With respect to approving this bill in favor of those who have committed crimes and who now seek impunity, my decision is clear and firm: I will not promulgate this law", Áñez said. The bill did not have full support within MAS with one member of the Chamber of Deputies stating "I ask the president [Morales] to reflect and really listen to the Bolivian people," and claimed that for years the "oppressed wing" of MAS suffered discrimination from within the party.[70]

Since then, the Áñez government has led numerous investigations and charges of corruption against members of previous administration and those linked to them. The majority involve embezzlement or misappropriation of state owned companies and awarding of state contracts where there was a conflict of interest. These include Entel, a state communications company that saw losses of $250 million and was described as the "petty cash" of MAS, the Neurona case, the Bolivian Highway Administrator that saw $310 million disappear into uncompleted or unobserved projects, investments in state owned petroleum projects that were not developed and the multimillion diversion of money from the Indigenous Fund. All of the previous cases involved government ministers and several were subject to complaints from members of the opposition in the past.[25][71] Corruption watchdogs have observed that corruption was common under the MAS government and continues to be a problem in the interim government.[72][73] The level of prosecutions have led to accusations of political persecution from human rights groups.[74][73] Similar observations were also made during the Morales era.[75][76][77] In response to prosecutions, the government claim that "It must be remembered that the current Judicial Branch, be it the Supreme Court of Justice, the Constitutional Court, the Council of the Magistracy, all have been appointed by MAS and in other cases have been preselected by MAS."[78][79]

On 10 December, Áñez created a committee to facilitate the return of an estimated 1300 political exiles created during the government of former President Evo Morales. She stated that "The committee will not help people who are prosecuted for crimes against humanity or for drug trafficking." These exiles would include Manfred Reyes Villa, Mario Cossío, Branko Marinkovic and Elsner Larrazábal.[80][81][82]

On 31 December 2019, Áñez sent a bill to the Plurinational Legislative Assembly in which it would be mandatory for candidates to take part in debates. She said of electoral debate, "it is an obligation. Democracy thrives on freedom and the freedom to be responsible requires information". During the almost 14 years that Morales ruled Bolivia, he never agreed to debate with any candidate.[83] This bill was rejected by the opposition-controlled Assembly; Áñez appealed to it to reconsider, on the grounds of "making democracy".[84]

On 8 January 2020, the government decided to ratify the 22 January public holiday created by Morales to celebrate the founding of the Plurinational State of Bolivia via the 2009 constitution. On that day the President of Bolivia normally addresses the nation, but doubt had been expressed whether the holiday would go ahead due to its strong political connection with Morales and MAS. In a public statement, however, minister for the Presidency Yerko Núñez said "January 22 is a holiday by presidential decree, we are going to respect that decree and our president is evaluating if she is going to make a report about the pillars of this government, which are transition, pacification and management."[85] In this speech, she thanked the indigenous people of Bolivia for "having accompanied the process with wisdom and firm decision".[86]

On 6 March, 2020, an article in The Washington Post claimed that "Since being sworn in, the fiercely anti-socialist Áñez has presided over the detention of hundreds of opponents, the muzzling of journalists and a “national pacification” campaign that has left at least 31 people dead, according to the national ombudsman and human rights groups".[87] On 7 June 2020, an article in The New York Times echoed this, stating that Añez's government "has persecuted the former president’s supporters, stifled dissent and worked to cement its hold on power".[88]

On 6 February 2020, she invited the people of Bolivia to attend a march in Santa Cruz in support of the fight against violence against women and children, an issue increasingly highlighted by the Bolivian press.[89][90]

On International Women's Day, 8 March 2020, Áñez announced a $100 million investment in the fight against violence against women, She declared 2020 as the Year of the Fight Against Feminicide and Infanticide in Bolivia, saying "I am the worst news for all those murderers of women, users of violence, abusers, stalkers and rapists, because I will not get tired of closing against these aggressors".[91][92]

According to The Straits Times, the new interim government of president Jeanine Añez has "denounced foreign influence in the country since taking power, naming Colombians, Peruvians, Cubans and Venezuelans at different times... blaming foreigners for provoking violent clashes during post-election violence."[93] Bolivia has had long-standing problems with foreign groups involved in organised crime, largely the drug trade.[94][95] Police arrested an Argentine national and fugitive since 2017, 44-year-old Facundo Morales Schoenfeld, in the eastern province of Santa Cruz. He was previously a member of the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC) and was participating among the protesters in Yapacaní.[96] Facundo Morales' family contests the government's version of events, claiming that he worked in Bolivia as a photojournalist and that his detention is arbitrary.[97] Around the same time, four Cubans were discovered in El Alto with 90000 Bs ($13000) contained in two backpacks.[98] Venezuelan migrants, many fleeing the current unrest in their country, had been subject to accusations of "political activity" and involvement in criminal activities under the Morales government, with human rights groups expressing concern about persecution of Venezuelans in Bolivia.[99][100] While police and interim government ministers have cited involvement of armed and politically aligned Venezuelans in pro-Morales protests,[101][102] they have also granted amnesty to Venezuelan refugees, extended permanence and transit of Venezuelan citizens, and approved a resolution to help Venezuelan children and adolescents.[103][104][105]

On 27 November, 700 Cuban doctors were expelled from Bolivia. The Cuban doctor program had been a subject of controversy in Bolivia in previous years, with the Bolivian medical workers union (FESIMRAS) complaining that Cubans needed only a simple photocopy to practice medicine whereas the requirements for Bolivians were much more stringent, and that many medical professionals were unemployed.[106][107][108] The interim government stated that the Cuban embassy was paid $147 million over the course of 13 years for the Cuban doctors program and the president of the Medical College of La Paz, Luis Larrea, claimed that there was "indiscriminate use of state assets, the waste of state money deposited in private accounts to, supposedly, pay Cubans, when these resources should be in a fiscal account", and that the Bolivian doctor felt "belittled".[108][109] There have also been suggestions that only 205 out of 702 were doctors, the others working as drivers, technicians and in other areas that had nothing to do with medicine "but were assigned salaries of 1,032, dollars" as if they were doctors, and that documents for these workers were falsified.[110][111] The former head of the Cuban doctors program in Bolvia, Carlos de la Rocha, is facing charges of breach of duties, destruction of documents and theft, among other crimes. De la Rocha maintains his innocence.[112][113]

The interim government and President have explicitly signaled an attempt to disassociate themselves from countries that were political allies of Morales and "anti imperialist ideology". Chancellor Karen Longaric stated "The relationship with Venezuela, Nicaragua and Cuba was aimed at consolidating an ideological current that had a geopolitical project. Bolivia did not benefit at all. It has always contributed more than it received and we are a developing country that cannot afford to make contributions or invest outside the country and sustaining other economies" and that "Bolivia did not want to participate in the association agreements with the EU, unlike Peru, Ecuador and Colombia, which did and that benefited, for example, with the elimination of visas to travel to Europe. Bolivia at the time moved away demonizing free trade agreements and treaties."[114] Áñez recognized Juan Guaidó as acting president of Venezuela in the 2019 Venezuelan presidential crisis, 24 hours after taking office.[115] Her interim government also severed diplomatic relations with Venezuela's Maduro government, giving its diplomats 72 hours to leave the country.[116][117] Áñez has also called on Guaidó to appoint the new Venezuelan Ambassador to Bolivia, "who will be recognized immediately by our government."[115]

A month later, her government announced Bolivia's entry into the Lima Group, a regional bloc established in 2017 with the purpose of finding a way out of the Venezuelan crisis. The Bolivian foreign ministry said in a statement that it hoped to "contribute to a peaceful, democratic and constitutional solution to the crisis in Venezuela, which must be guided by the Venezuelan people."[118] On the same month, the interim government announced that they would give refuge to 200 Venezuelans "who have fled their country for reasons of political order, of political persecution promoted by the Nicolás Maduro government."[119]

An intention to move away from the ideologies of the previous government was further highlighted in the closure and replacement of the General Juan José Torres Anti-Imperialist Command School,[120][121] an institution that made many military and political opponents uneasy as it was viewed as an attempt to align the military to a political ideology more sympathetic to that of Morales' MAS party. A ministry of defense press release stated that "The core of the teaching focuses on anti-imperialist content with different components for the benefit of sergeants, second lieutenants, lieutenants, captains and above". Taking and passing these courses was compulsory in order to achieve promotion to all ranks for captain and below.[122][121] In 2016, its opening was attended by the ministers of Defense of Nicaragua, Martha Ruiz Sevilla, and of Venezuela, the controversial Vladimir Padrino López.[123][121] The interim government had previously made it no longer compulsory to shout the phrase "Patria o muerte" ("Fatherland or death") during military activities. The phrase, popularised by Fidel Castro in a 1960 speech, was integrated into the military in 2010 by Morales, replacing the traditional "subordinación y constancia, viva Bolivia hacia el mar" ("subordination and constancy, long live Bolivia towards the sea").[124]

On 3 December, the formation of a new anti-terrorist group, Grupo Anti-Terrorista (GAT), was announced to combat terrorist groups and narcotics traffickers.[93]

Since early March 2020, Áñez has implemented numerous controls concerning the coronavirus pandemic including closing all borders, prohibiting all international and interdepartmental flights, a strict nationwide curfew and restricting driving to those transporting foods and supplies and those carrying out essential services. During total quarantine, the population were restricted to their homes, allowed out for essentials and emergencies once a week with the day determined by national ID card. So-called "mobile markets" are in operation so that goods could be brought into neighbourhoods.[125] This crisis had also resulted in the postponement of the upcoming 2020 Bolivian general election, the delay having been agreed upon by all parties involved.

On 21 April 2020, Áñez and her cabinet pledged to donate 50% of their monthly salary towards a fund to help those affected by the coronavirus pandemic and encouraged other parliamentarians to do the same. The President's monthly salary is currently Bs 24,251 ($3,520); that of a Minister of State of Bs 21,556 ($3,130); and that of a Vice Minister of Bs 20,210 ($2,930). The initial sum is Bs 250,000 ($36,290) per month. There is also an account managed by the ministry of health that anyone can donate to.[126]

On 13 May 2020, the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights asked the Bolivian government to modify Supreme Decree 4231, which was passed during the pandemic. The Office stated that "Supreme Decree 4231 about the diffusion of information during the pandemic must be modified in order to not criminalize freedom of expression and make it completely compatible with the government's international obligations."[127] The next day, Áñez repealed the decree. The United Nations High Commission on Human Rights in Bolivia praised "the openness and willingness of the authorities to the concerns of national and international actors." The decision was also welcomed by the IACHR with presidential candidate Carlos Mesa calling it a "citizen victory" [128]

By 2 June 2020, the government had paid 8,014,000 bonds totalling 3.6 billion BOB ($521 million) to support those suffering financially from the enforced quarantine in the nation. This was claimed by all households in extreme poverty and 90-96% of those in moderate poverty. These payments continued and included support for families, students, the elderly and the disabled. [129][130] The government also pledged to pay domestic electricity and water tariffs from April through June 2020 to ease economic burden on families. 8 in 10 households benefited from 100% discount in May. [131]

She describes herself as a Christian, and held up a large Bible while declaring herself the interim president; this was described by The Guardian as an "explicit rebuke" of Morales, who has a strained history with the Catholic Church and has expressed support for indigenous religious traditions.[153][154] Under Morales, a new Constitution was approved by referendum that gave other religions equal status to Christianity.[155] A 2018 survey found that 70% of Bolivians identified as Catholic and 17.2% as Protestant of some form. 9.3% were non-religious.[156] Political analyst Carlos Cordero states that "She is a believer, but she does not use her religiosity politically, she expresses it, she lives it."[157]