Anti-Jewish violence in Poland, 1944–1946

The anti-Jewish violence in Poland from 1944 to 1946 refers to a series of violent incidents in Poland that immediately followed the end of World War II in Europe and influenced the postwar history of the Jews as well as Polish-Jewish relations. It occurred amid a period of violence and anarchy across the country, caused by lawlessness and anti-communist resistance against the Soviet-backed communist takeover of Poland.[1][2] The exact number of Jewish victims is a subject of debate with 327 documented cases,[3] and range, estimated by different writers, from 400[4] to 2,000.[5] Jews constituted between 2% and 3% of the total number of victims of postwar violence in the country,[5][6][7] including the Polish Jews who managed to escape the Holocaust on territories of Poland annexed by the Soviet Union, and returned after the border changes imposed by the Allies at the Yalta Conference.[8][9] The incidents ranged from individual attacks to pogroms.

Jewish emigration from Poland surged partly as a result of this violence, but also because Poland was the only Eastern Bloc country to allow free Jewish emigration (aliyah) to Mandatory Palestine.[10] By contrast, the Soviet Union brought Soviet Jews from DP camps back to USSR by force irrespective of their choice.[11] Many Jews did not wish to remain where the German occupation had decimated their previously large communities in Poland; many fled the imposition of the Soviet-backed political regime which persecuted the bourgeoisie and religion, including Judaism; many aimed to pursue the Zionist objectives in Palestine.[12] Uninterrupted traffic across the Polish borders intensified with many Jews passing through on their way west or south. In January 1946, there were 86,000 survivors registered with the Central Committee of Polish Jews (CKŻP). By the end of summer, the number had risen to about 205,000–210,000 (with 240,000 registrations and over 30,000 duplicates).[13] About 180,000 Jewish refugees came from the Soviet Union after the repatriation agreement.[13] Most left without visas or exit permits thanks to a decree of General Marian Spychalski.[10][14] By the spring of 1947 only 90,000 Jews resided in Poland.[15][16][17][18]

Tens of thousands of people were killed in Poland's two-year civil war, but also due to indiscriminate postwar lawlessness and abject poverty. Among the Jewish victims of violence directed against the new government were numerous functionaries of the new Stalinist regime, assassinated by the so-called cursed soldiers of the anti-communist underground, without racial motives, but simply due to their political loyalties.[19][20] Jan T. Gross noted that "only a fraction of [the Jewish] deaths could be attributed to anti-semitism."[20] Jews were also often victims of ordinary banditry. The Jewish resistance fighter Marek Edelman said: "murdering Jews was pure banditry, and I wouldn't explain it as anti-Semitism."[21] The resentment towards returning Jews among some local Poles included concerns that they would reclaim their property.[22]

Background

Property claims and restitution

A restitution law "On Abandoned Real Estates" of May 6, 1945 allowed property owners who had been dispossessed, or their relatives and heirs, to reclaim privately owned property under a simplified inheritance procedure. The law remained in effect until the end of 1948. An expedited court process with minimal costs was put in place to handle claims. Applications had to be examined within 21 days, and many claims were processed the day they were filed. Poles often served as witnesses to corroborate claims of Jewish neighbors and acquaintances. Jewish law firms and agencies outside Poland specialized in submitting applications on behalf of non-residents. Properties were also transferred and sold by Jewish owners outside this process.[23] Thousands of properties were successively reclaimed, for example, more than 520 properties were reclaimed in two county towns of Lublin province alone (281 applications in Zamość, and 240 in Włodawa - some applications involved multiple properties).[24] Given the lax criteria, there were a number of cases of Jews advancing fraudulent property claims.[25]

Vast quantities of Jewish property were unclaimed due to Jews being murdered when they sought restitution of family property and due to Jews fleeing postwar Poland. The murders, variously estimated, intimidated Jews from filing claims. Unclaimed Jewish property devolved to the Polish state on 31 December 1948, but many Jews who had fled to the Soviet Union were only repatriated after this date and Jews in displaced persons camps in Germany feared returning to Poland, and those who attempted to do so were usually blocked by the Polish authorities. Polish legislation in 1947 severely restricted interstate succession, limiting inheritance by distant family members.[26] Jews who returned to Poland from the Soviet Union and settled in the territories Poland acquired from Germany were entitled to material compensation on equal footing with ethnic Poles who were displaced from Eastern Poland.[27] Jews were also seen as supporting the consolidation of power in the hands of the Soviet and Polish Stalinist regimes.[22][28][29]

Holocaust survivors and returnees

After the war, Poles and Jews constituted two communities with two different but tragic war experiences, however the relations between Polish and Jewish communities worsened after the Soviet takeover of Poland in 1945.[30] Polish Jewish survivors of the Nazi Holocaust returning home were confronted with fears of being physically assaulted, robbed and even murdered by certain elements in the society.[31][32] The situation was further complicated by the fact that there were more Jewish survivors returning from the Soviet Union than those who managed to survive in occupied Poland,[9] thus leading to stereotypes holding Jews responsible for the imposition of totalitarian regime in Stalinist Poland.

Members of the former Communist Party of Poland (KPP) were returning home from the Soviet Union as prominent functionaries of the new regime. Among them was a highly visible number of Poles of Jewish origin, who became active in the Polish Workers' Party/Polish United Workers' Party and the Ministry of Public Security of Poland, among them Hilary Minc, the third in command in Bolesław Bierut's political apparatus and Jakub Berman, head of State Security Services (UB, Urząd Bezpieczeństwa) considered Joseph Stalin's right hand in Poland between 1944 and 1953.[33] Jewish representation in Bolesław Bierut's apparatus of political oppression was considerably higher than their share in the general Polish population.[34] Hypothesis emerged that Stalin had intentionally employed some of them in positions of repressive authority (see Gen. Roman Romkowski, Dir. Anatol Fejgin and others) in order to put Poles and Jews "on a collision course."[7] Study by the Polish Institute of National Remembrance showed that between 1944 and 1954 out of 450 people in director positions in the Ministry, 37.1% (or 167) were Jewish.[34] The underground anti-communist press held them responsible for the murder of Polish opponents of the new regime.[35] Historian Marek Jan Chodakiewicz estimates that in the first years after the war, the Jewish denunciations and direct involvement in the pro-Soviet wave of terror, resulted in the killing of approximately 3,500 to 6,500 non-Jewish Poles including members of the Home Army and National Armed Forces.[36][37]

Anti-communist armed resistance

As the victory over Nazi Germany was celebrated in the West, in May 1945, Polish partisans attacked country offices of the PUBP, MO (communist state police), UB and NKVD employing numerous Jewish functionaries. Up to 80 percent of the officers, and 50 percent of the militiamen in Lublin alone,[38][39] as well as, up to 75 percent of the officers in Silesia were Jewish.[39] According to Eisenstein's estimates, 90 percent of the Jewish functionaries at the state security office in Katowice changed their names to Polish ones after November 10, 1945 for anonymity sake.[38][39] In May 1945, public security offices were destroyed by the anti-communist underground in Krasnosielc and Annówka (May 1), Kuryłówka (May 7), Grajewo and Białystok (May 9), Siemiatycze and Wyrzyki (May 11), Ostrołęka and Rembertów (May 18–21), Biała Podlaska (May 21, May 24), Majdan-Topiło (Białowieża Forest, May 28), Kotki (Busko-Zdrój) (May 28). Political prisoners were freed – sometimes up to several hundred or more (see, e.g. the attack on Rembertów) – many of whom were later recaptured and murdered.[40] The human rights law violations and the abuse of power by the Ministry only strengthened the anti-Jewish sentiments in Poland, adding to the 'myth' of "Żydokomuna" among ordinary Poles who in general had anti-Communist and anti-Soviet attitudes.[41] Accusations that Jews are being supportive of the new communist regime, and constituted a threat to Poland, came also from some high officials of the Roman Catholic Church.[42]

The provisions of Yalta agreement allowed Stalin to forcibly return Jewish refugees along with all Soviet nationals from DP camps back to USSR "irrespective of their personal wishes".[11] The former Polish citizens, second largest refugee group in the West, did not even began to return until late 1946. Polish–Jewish DPs (25 percent of their grand total in the beginning of 1947) were declared nonrepatriable – due in part to the US pressure – which forced the British government to open the borders of Palestine.[43] By the spring of 1947 the number of Jews in Poland – in large part arriving from the Soviet Union – declined from 240,000 to 90,000 due to mass migration and the post-Holocaust absence of Jewish life in Poland.[9] "The flight" (Berihah) of Jews was motivated by the raging civil war on Polish lands, in as much as the efforts of strong Polish-Jewish lobby at the Jewish Agency working towards the higher standard of living and special privileges for the immigrants from Poland. Yitzhak Raphael, director of the Immigration Department – who lobbied on behalf of Polish refugees – insisted on their preferential treatment in Israel.[10]

Reports of political repressions by the Communist forces in Poland and the wave of political murders by the security forces under Soviet control were mounting.[44] The United States ambassador to Poland, Arthur Bliss Lane, was troubled by the mass arrests of Polish non-Communists, and their terrorization by the security police.[44] The wave of state-sponsored terror and large-scale deportations was followed by the nationalization decree of January 1946.[44] In response to his protests, Bierut told Lane to "mind its own business."[44]

Blood libel

The prewar class of Polish intelligentsia ceased to exist. In the country of 23.7 million people in 1946, there were only 40,000 university graduates who survived the genocide; less than 0.2 percent of the general population.[45] Between 1944 and 1956 some 350,000–400,000 Poles were held in Stalinist prisons.[46] Sporadic anti-Jewish disturbances or riots were enticed by the spread of false blood libel accusations against some Jews in Polish towns – Kraków, Kielce, Bytom, Białystok, Bielawa, Częstochowa, Legnica, Otwock, Rzeszów, Sosnowiec, Szczecin, Tarnów.[47][48][49] Acts of anti-Jewish violence were also recorded in villages and small towns of central Poland, where the overwhelming majority of attacks occurred.[3][50] According to Szaynok, the perpetrators of the anti-Jewish actions were seldom punished.[51]

The Kraków pogrom of August 11, 1945, was the first anti-Jewish riot in postwar Poland,[52] resulting in the shooting death of one woman, Róża Berger, who was hiding from the security forces behind closed doors.[53] A single shot was fired at a locking mechanism which shattered, piercing her body.[53] The immediate cause for the disturbance was a rumour spread by a young hooligan (who later claimed to have been tricked into it) that the corpses of Christian children were hidden at the Kupa Synagogue.[54][55] During the riot, Jews were attacked in Kazimierz, and other parts of the Old Town. Fire was set in Kupa Synagogue. In total, 145 suspects were arrested including 40 militiamen and 6 soldiers of the WP. In September and October 1945 some 25 of them were charged and 10 of them were sentenced to prison.[55] Shortly after the Kielce pogrom, violence against Jews in Poland had ceased entirely.[3]

Kielce pogrom

A pogrom (the causes of which are still very controversial),[49] erupted in Kielce on July 4, 1946.[56] The rumour that a Polish boy had been kidnapped by Jews but had managed to escape, and that other Polish children had been ritually murdered by Jews – according to Pynsent – ignited a violent public reaction directed at the Jewish Center.[56] Attacks on Jewish residents of Kielce were provoked by units of the communist militia and the Soviet-controlled Polish Army who confirmed the rumors of the kidnapping. Police and soldiers were also the first to fire shots at Jews – according to Szaynok.[57]

Having analyzed the Kielce pogrom for years, author Krzysztof Kąkolewski (Umarły cmentarz), came to the conclusion that the Russian NKVD had planned the pogrom in Kielce ahead of time. As he pointed out, there were two very important occasions to be considered that day. In the Nuremberg tribunal, the Katyn massacre committed against the Polish officers was being investigated, a Russian war crime for which the Russians held Germans responsible. Also, there was a celebration of the United States Day taking place, attended in Warsaw by many foreign officials and journalists. It was a perfect time for the NKWD to paint a picture of Poland as being antisemitic, and to blame the Home Army (AK) for the violence. At the time of the pogrom in Kielce, Kąkolewski was 16 years old and lived just few hundred meters from the crime scene. He claims that it was impossible for people to gather out on the street; the police immediately approached any group of 3-4 persons for identification. Furthermore, Kąkolewski claims that the ordinary people were turned away by an army unit that set up a street blockade. The second part of the same building housed members of the communist party, most of them of Jewish origin, who were not attacked at all. Kąkolewski emphasized also that there were more than 300 members of the secret police and army, present at the scene, of whom many were wearing civilian clothes, not to mention some Russian-speaking soldiers that participated in the pogrom. The fact that the high-ranking officials from NKVD were in the town at that moment would also support this theory. Of the 12 persons who faced trial, 9 were sentenced to death. According to Kąkolewski, none of them was responsible for the crime; they have been picked up from the watching crowd by the secret police.[58][49]

The pogrom in Kielce resulted in 42 people being murdered and about 50 seriously injured,[6][49] yet the number of victims does not reflect the impact of the atrocities committed. The Kielce pogrom was a turning point for the postwar history of Polish Jews – according to Michael R. Marrus, as the Zionist underground concluded that there was no future for Jews in Europe.[59] Soon after, Gen. Spychalski signed a decree allowing Jews to leave Poland without visas or exit permits;[60] and the Jewish emigration from Poland increased dramatically.[59] In July 1946, almost 20,000 Jews left Poland. By September, there were approximately 12,000 Jews left.[61] Britain demanded that Poland (among others) halt the Jewish exodus, but their pressure was largely unsuccessful.[62]

Number of victims

A statistical compendium of "Jewish deaths by violence for which specific record is extant, by month and province" was compiled by Engel for the Yad Vashem Shoah Resource Center's International School for Holocaust Studies.[3] The study used as a starting point a 1973 report by historian Lucjan Dobroszycki, who wrote that he had "analyzed records, reports, cables, protocols and press-cuttings of the period pertaining to anti-Jewish assaults and murders in 115 localities" in which approximately 300 Jewish deaths had been documented.[63]

A number of historians, including Antony Polonsky and Jan T. Gross[64] cite the figures originating from Dobroszycki's 1973 work.[65] Dobroszycki wrote that "according to general estimates 1,500 Jews lost their lives in Poland from liberation until the summer of 1947",[66] although historian Jan Gross who cited Dobroszycki, informed that only a fraction of these deaths can be attributed to antisemitism and that most were due to general postwar disorder, political violence and banditry.[20] David Engel wrote that Dobroszycki "offered no reference for such 'general estimates'" which "have not been confirmed by any other investigator" and "no proof-text for this figure" exists, not even a smaller one of 1,000 claimed by Gutman.[67] According to Engel, "both estimates seem high."[3] Other estimates include those of Anna Cichopek claiming more than 1,000 Jews murdered in Poland between 1944 and 1947.[68] According to Stefan Grajek around 1,000 Jews died in the first half of year 1946.[69] Historian Tadeusz Piotrowski estimated that between 1944 and 1947 there were 1,500–2,000 Jewish victims of general civil strife that came about with Soviet consolidation of power, constituting 2 to 3 percent of the total number of victims of postwar violence in the country.[70]

In the Yad Vashem Studies paper, Holocaust historian David Engel wrote:

[Dobroszycki] did not report the results of that analysis except in the most general terms, nor did he indicate the specific sources from which he had compiled his list of cases. Nevertheless, a separate, systematic examination of the relevant files in the archive of the Polish Ministry of Public Administration, supplemented by reports prepared by the United States embassy in Warsaw and by Jewish sources in Poland, as well as by bulletins published by the Central Committee of Polish Jews and the Jewish Telegraphic Agency, has lent credibility to Dobroszycki's claim: it has turned up more or less detailed descriptions of 130 incidents in 102 locations between September 1944 and September 1946, in which 327 Jews lost their lives. — David Engel, Yad Vashem.[3]

The data from the Yad Vashem study are reproduced in the table below. Engel wrote that the compilation of cases is not exhaustive, suggesting that cases of anti-Jewish violence were selectively reported and recorded, and that there was no centralized, systematic effort record these cases. He cites numerous incidental reports of killings of Jews that for which no official reporting has survived. He concludes that these figures have "obvious weaknesses" and that the detailed records used to compile them are clearly deficient and lacking data from Białystok region. For example, Engel cites one source that shows a total of 108 Jewish deaths during March 1945, and another source that shows 351 deaths between November 1944 and December 1945.[3]

Białystok Kielce Kraków Lublin Łódź Rzeszów Warsaw Other Total
Sept 1944 . . . . . . 1 . 1
Oct
Nov
Dec		 .
.
.		 .
.
.		 .
.
.		 6
.
.		 .
.
.		 .
.
.		 .
.
.		 .
.
.		 6
0
0
Jan 1945 . . . . . . . . 0
Feb
Mar
Apr
May		 .
.
.
.
.
.
15
1
.
.
.
1
.
7
3
2
.
.
.
8
.
.
.
.
.
.
3
3
.
.
2
.
0
7
23
15
End of World War II in Europe
Jun
Jul
Aug
Sept
Oct
Nov
Dec		 .
.
.
.
.
.
.		 17
3
8
3
.
.
.		 .
.
1
.
.
.
.		 15
.
3
.
.
.
3		 3
5
1
.
.
.
.		 4
.
19
.
.
.
.		 6
.
11
.
.
.
.		 7
.
4
.
.
.
.		 52
8
47
3
0
0
3
Jan 1946 . . . . . . . 1 1
Feb
Mar
Apr
May
Jun
Jul
Aug
Sept		 .
.
3
.
.
.
.
.		 2
.
2
2
.
51
.
.		 4
.
20
11
9
.
.
.		 7
12
.
.
5
.
.
3		 5
.
2
.
1
.
.
.		 .
.
.
.
.
.
.
.		 .
.
.
.
.
3
.
.		 5
.
5
2
3
.
.
1		 22
16
32
15
18
54
0
4
Total 3 104 46 66 28 23 27 30 327

Chodakiewicz's estimates for Jewish deaths in Poland after World War II are somewhat higher than Engel's. In "After the Holocaust," Chodakiewicz states: "In sum, probably a minimum of 400 and a maximum of 700 Jews and persons of Jewish origin perished in Poland from July 1944 to January 1947."[4]

See also

References

  1. ↑ Cichopek-Gajraj, Anna (2014). Beyond Violence: Jewish Survivors in Poland and Slovakia, 1944-48. Introduction. Cambridge University Press. pp. 26, 47, 114, 143. ISBN 1107036666. The most intense battles took place in the east but the fighting was not limited to this region; all over the country, partisans clashed with communist security forces. Repressions increased in the winter of 1945/46 and spring of 1946, when entire villages were burnt. The fighting lasted with varying intensity until 1948 and ended with thousands killed, wounded, arrested, or transported to the Soviet Union.[p. 26]
  2. ↑ Prazmowska, Anita J. (2004). Civil War in Poland 1942-1948. Springer. p. 11. ISBN 0230504884.
  3. 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 Engel, David (1998). "Patterns of Anti-Jewish Violence in Poland, 1944-1946" (PDF). Yad Vashem Studies. Yad Vashem, Jerusalem. Vol. XXVI. pp. 21 (§ 2), 32. PDF file, 198 KB. Retrieved 2007-04-01.
  4. 1 2 Marek Jan Chodakiewicz, After the Holocaust: Polish-Jewish Conflict in the Wake of World War II (Boulder, CO: East European Monographs, distributed by Columbia University Press, 2003), 212-213. ISBN 0-88033-511-4.
  5. 1 2 Joanna B. Michlic. The Holocaust and Its Aftermath as Perceived in Poland: Voices of Polish Intellectuals, 1945-1947. In: David Bankier, ed. The Jews are Coming Back: The Return of the Jews to Their Countries of Origin After WW II. Berghahn Books, 2005.
  6. 1 2 David S. Wyman, Charles H. Rosenzveig. The World Reacts to the Holocaust. Johns Hopkins University Press, 1996.
  7. 1 2 Tadeusz Piotrowski, Poland's Holocaust, page 130, (ibidem) Published by McFarland, 1998.
  8. ↑ Berthon, Simon; Potts, Joanna (2007). Warlords: An Extraordinary Re-Creation of World War II. Da Capo Press. p. 285. ISBN 0306816504.
  9. 1 2 3 Michael Bernhard; Henryk Szlajfer (2004). From the Polish Underground. Penn State Press. p. 375. ISBN 0-271-02565-4. , ISBN 978-0-271-02565-0, 500 pages.
  10. 1 2 3 Hakohen, Devorah (2003). Immigrants in Turmoil: Mass Immigration to Israel and Its Repercussions in the 1950s and After. Syracuse University Press; 325 pages. pp. 70–. ISBN 0-8156-2969-9.
  11. 1 2 Kochavi, Arieh J. (2011). Post-Holocaust politics: Britain, the United States & Jewish refugees, 1945-1948. The University of North Carolina Press. p. 15. ISBN 0-8078-2620-0.
  12. ↑ Marek Jan Chodakiewicz, After the Holocaust: Polish-Jewish Conflict in the Wake of World War II (Boulder, CO: East European Monographs, distributed by Columbia University Press, 2003), 35-36. ISBN 0-88033-511-4.
  13. 1 2 David Engel. "Poland. Liberation, Reconstruction, and Flight (1944-1947)" (PDF). YIVO. Archived from the original (PDF) on December 3, 2013. Retrieved May 23, 2011.
  14. ↑ Philipp Ther, Ana Siljak (2001). Redrawing nations: ethnic cleansing in East-Central Europe, 1944-1948. Rowman & Littlefield. p. 138. ISBN 0-7425-1094-8. Retrieved May 23, 2011.
  15. ↑ Albert Stankowski, with August Grabski and Grzegorz Berendt; Studia z historii Żydów w Polsce po 1945 roku, Warszawa, Żydowski Instytut Historyczny 2000, pp.107-111. ISBN 83-85888-36-5
  16. ↑ Natalia Aleksiun. "Jewish Responses to Antisemitism in Poland, 1944–1947." In: Joshua D. Zimmerman, ed. Contested Memories: Poles and Jews During the Holocaust and Its Aftermath. Rutgers University Press, 2003. Pages 249; 256.
  17. ↑ Richard C. Lukas, Out of the Inferno: Poles Remember the Holocaust University Press of Kentucky 1989 - 201 pages. Page 13; also in Richard C. Lukas, The Forgotten Holocaust: The Poles Under German Occupation, 1939-1944, University Press of Kentucky 1986 - 300 pages.
  18. ↑ Michael C. Steinlauf. "Poland.". In: David S. Wyman, Charles H. Rosenzveig. The World Reacts to the Holocaust. The Johns Hopkins University Press, 1996.
  19. ↑ Grabski, August. "Central and Eastern European Online Library (CEEOL); page 11, note 7 of current document" (PDF direct download, 1.03 MB). Book review of Stefan Grajek, "Po wojnie i co dalej? Żydzi w Polsce, w latach 1945−1949", translated from Hebrew by Aleksander Klugman, Żydowski Instytut Historyczny, Warsaw 2003 (p. 95) (in Polish). Kwartalnik Historii Żydów, Recenzje (Jewish History Quarterly; Reviews). p. 240. Retrieved July 4, 2012. Żydzi byli zabijani nie tylko przez niektóre organizacje prawicowego podziemia, ale też przez pospolitych bandytów [oraz] jako funkcjonariusze komunistycznego państwa, bez dodatkowego motywu rasistowskiego. Wedle Aliny Całej, liczba Żydów zabitych w latach 1944−1947 przekracza tysiąc osób (Alina Cała, Mniejszość żydowska, [in:] Piotr Madajczyk (red.), Mniejszości narodowe w Polsce. Państwo i społeczeństwo polskie a mniejszości narodowe w okresach przełomów politycznych (1944−1989), Warszawa 1998, s. 252).
  20. 1 2 3 Jan Tomasz Gross, Revolution from Abroad Princeton University Press - Page 277
  21. ↑ The Jerusalem Post, January 23, 2008 editorial. Archived June 10, 2015, at the Wayback Machine.
  22. 1 2 Natalia Aleksiun. Jewish Responses to Antisemitism in Poland, 1944-1947. In: Joshua D. Zimmerman, ed. Contested Memories: Poles and Jews During the Holocaust and Its Aftermath. Rutgers University Press, 2003.
  23. ↑ Jan Grabowski and Dariusz Libionka, eds. Klucze i kasa: O mieniu żydowskim w Polsce pod okupacją niemiecką i we wczesnych latach powojennych 1939–1950 (Warsaw: Stowarzyszenie Centrum Badań nad Zagładą 2014), 522–523, 529, 568–569, 575–607. Also Krzysztof Urbański. Kieleccy Żydzi (Kraków: Pracownia Konserwacji Zabytków w Kielcach and Małopolska Oficyna Wydawnicza, n.d. [1993]), 180–190; Marta Pawlina-Meducka, ed. Z kroniki utraconego sąsiedztwa: Kielce, wrzesień 2000/From the Chronicle of the Lost Neighborhood: Kielce, September 2000 (Kielce: Kieleckie Towarzystwo Naukowe, 2001), 202.
  24. ↑ Adam Kopciowski. Zagłada Żydów w Zamościu (Lublin: Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Marii Curie-Skłodowskiej, 2005), 203; Adam Kopciowski, "Anti-Jewish Incidents in the Lublin Region in the Early Years after World War II," ≈Holocaust: Studies and Materials vol. 1 (2008), 188.
  25. ↑ Jan Grabowski and Dariusz Libionka, eds. Klucze i kasa: O mieniu żydowskim w Polsce pod okupacją niemiecką i we wczesnych latach powojennych 1939–1950 (Warsaw: Stowarzyszenie Centrum Badań nad Zagładą 2014), 528, 532, 536–537, 595–600. Also Krzysztof Persak, "Akta postępowań cywilnych z lat 1947–1949 w sprawach dotyczących zmarłych żydowskich mieszkańców Jedwabnego," in Paweł Machcewicz and Krzysztof Persak, eds. Wokół Jedwabnego (Warsaw: Instytut Pamięci Narodowej—Komisja Ścigania Zbrodni przeciwko Narodowi Polskiemu, 2002) vol. 1, 379–387.
  26. ↑ The Plunder of Jewish Property during the Holocaust: Confronting European History, Palgrave, Laurence Weinbaum, pages 100-1
  27. ↑ Robbery and Restitution: The Conflict Over Jewish Property in Europe, Berghan Books in association with United States Holocaust Memorial Museum, Dariusz Stola, pages 244-248
  28. ↑ "Wilson Center, "New Evidence on Poland in the Early Cold War" By Andrzej Werblan" (PDF).
  29. ↑ Matthew J. Gibney, Randall Hansen, Immigration and Asylum Published by ABC-CLIO
  30. ↑ Mark Paul (2007). Traditional Jewish Attitudes Toward Poles (PDF). Holocaust re-visited. Chicago, Ill.: International Research Center. p. 97 – via direct download, 106 pages in PDF. A recent survey of Jewish history textbooks confirms that the stereotype of the crude Polish peasant was a staple of that genre: Jewish textbooks relentlessly portrayed the Poles in a negative light and depicted Polish history in lurid colours. Christian peasants — that much maligned 'Other' — were often described as bestial. After the Second World War the situation was compounded, as frequent charges of collaboration and collusion in the Holocaust became commonplace. From the oust Poles were conspicuously omitted from accounts of 'righteous Gentiles' who saved Jews; even though they represented the largest group of rescuers.275 What is remarkable is that the deepest anti-Polish biases are held and disseminated by Jewish academics, especially non-historians, but also those in Holocaust-related fields.276
  31. ↑ Bozena Szaynok. "The Role of Antisemitism in Postwar Polish-Jewish Relations." Page 270. In: Robert Blobaum, ed. Antisemitism and Its Opponents in Modern Poland. Cornell University Press, 2005.
  32. ↑ Joanna B. Michlic. Poland's Threatening Other: The Image of the Jew from 1880 to the Present. University of Nebraska Press, 2006.
  33. ↑ "Jakub Berman’s Papers Received at the Hoover Institution Archives", Stanford University Hoover Institution, August 11, 2008 by the Board of Trustees of Leland Stanford Junior University Library and Archives Recent Acquisitions
  34. 1 2 Krzysztof Szwagrzyk Żydzi w kierownictwie UB. Stereotyp czy rzeczywistość? (Jews in the authorities of the Polish Secret Security. Stereotype or Reality?), Bulletin of the Institute of National Remembrance (11/2005), p. 37-42:online article (PDF 1.10 MB), entire issue.
  35. ↑ Daniel Blatamn. "The Encounter between Jews and Poles in Lublin District after Liberation, 1944-1945." East European Politics & Societies. 2006, Vol. 20, No. 4, 598-621. Pages 601-602.
  36. ↑ Marek Chodakiewicz: medialny "Strach" i niemedialna prawda. Press interview with Marek Jan Chodakiewicz (After the Holocaust) at IPN, gazeta.pl, Warsaw, 11 January 2008. See also, rough translation by Google: Chodakiewicz: Media "fear" and truth outside the media. Google translate.
  37. ↑ Marek Jan Chodakiewicz, After the Holocaust: Polish-Jewish Conflict in the Wake of World War II (Boulder, CO: East European Monographs, distributed by Columbia University Press, 2003), 213. ISBN 0-88033-511-4.
  38. 1 2 Tadeusz Piotrowski (2007). Poland's holocaust: ethnic strife, collaboration with occupying forces. McFarland. p. 313. ISBN 0-7864-2913-5.
  39. 1 2 3 Sack, John (1993). An eye for an eye. BasicBooks. pp. 175, 183. ISBN 0465042147. For background to a Decree issued on November 10, 1945, by the State National Council (Krajowa Rada Narodowa, KRN) about changing and adjusting names and surnames, see Powojenne prawo o zmianie nazwisk by Virtual Shtetl, Warsaw.
  40. ↑ "Anti-Communist Armed Underground in Poland After 1944 - An Introduction." The Doomed Soldiers. Polish Underground Soldiers 1944–1963 - The Untold Story. See also: "National Armed Forces. Polish Underground Soldiers 1944–1963." DoomedSoldiers.com.
  41. ↑ Aleksander Hertz (1988). The Jews in Polish Culture. Northwestern University Press. p. 1.
  42. ↑ Dariusz Libionka, Antisemitism, Anti-Judaism, and the Polish Catholic Clergy during the Second World War, 1939-1945. In: Robert Blobaum, ed. Antisemitism and Its Opponents in Modern Poland. Cornell University Press, 2005.
  43. ↑ Kochavi, Arieh J. (2001), Post-Holocaust politics, page 31.
  44. 1 2 3 4 Lukas, Richard C. (2015). From Potsdam to Kielce. Bitter Legacy: Polish-American Relations in the Wake of World War II. Lexington: University Press of Kentucky. pp. 43–45, 47. ISBN 0813150434 – via Google Books.
  45. ↑ Wielka Historia Polski. "Bilans strat Polski po II wojnie światowej" [Summary of Poland's World War II Losses]. NowaHistoria.interia.pl. Wydawnictwo Pinnex, Kraków 2000. The population was reduced by one-third from 35.1 million in 1939 to 23.7 million people in 1946. The ruling elite was wiped out: there were less than 40,000 people with higher education. Original: »ludność Polski zmniejszyła się z 35,1 mln osób w 1939 roku do 23,7 mln w 1946 roku, tj. o prawie jedną trzecią. Społeczeństwo polskie pozbawione zostało w zasadzie elity przywódczej: z wszystkich jego grup społecznych największe straty poniosła inteligencja i po zakończeniu wojny liczba ludzi z wyższym wykształceniem wynosiła niecałe 40 tys.«
  46. ↑ Grzesik, Julian (2010). Po Zagładzie Żydów (1944 – 1948) [After the Jewish Genocide (1944 – 1948)] (PDF). Lublin: LIBER Duo S.C. Publishing. p. 22, or 24 of 332 in PDF. ISBN 978-83-61301-91-2. According to IPN estimates (2007) there were 350,000–400,000 political prisoners held in Poland from 1944 till 1956. Original: »Ogółem według szacunków IPN z 2007,[10] w latach 1944–1956 w aresztach i więzieniach znalazło się z powodów politycznych ok. 350–400 tysięcy osób (wliczając w to ok. 100 tys. ofiar prześladowań za rządów Bieruta w okresie 1949-1956).«
  47. ↑ Gross, Jan T. (2005). "After Auschwitz: The Reality and Meaning of Postwar Antisemitism in Poland". In Jonathan Frankel. Studies in Contemporary Jewry. Oxford University Press. ISBN 0-19-518224-3.
  48. ↑ Aleksiun, Natalia (2003). "Jewish Responses to Antisemitism in Poland 1944-1947". In Joshua D. Zimmerman. Contested Memories: Poles and Jews During the Holocaust and Its Aftermath. Rutgers University Press. p. 248.
  49. 1 2 3 4 Piotrowski, Tadeusz. Poland's Holocaust. McFarland. p. 136.
  50. ↑ István Deák; Jan Tomasz Gross; Tony Judt (2000). The politics of retribution in Europe : World War II and its aftermath. Princeton, N.J: Princeton University Press. p. 111. ISBN 0-691-00953-8. OCLC 43840165.
  51. ↑ B. Szaynok, in Antisemitism and its opponents in modern Poland By Robert Blobaum. Page 271
  52. ↑ Michlic, p. 347.
  53. 1 2 Konopka, Tomasz (2005). "Śmierć na ulicach Krakowa w latach 1945-1947 w materiale archiwalnym krakowskiego Zakładu Medycyny Sądowej" [Deaths on the streets of Kraków in 1945-1947 at the archives of the Institute of Forensic Medicine] (PDF). Pamięć i Sprawiedliwość (Memory and Justice). Muzeum Historii Polski. Vol. 4/2 (8), 143-157. p. 148 (7 of 16 in PDF). The coroners' report revealed: the body was pierced by a bullet and shrapnel from the locking mechanism. Original: »ciało zostało przebite na wylot nie tylko przez sam pocisk, ale także przez stalowe i mosiężne odłamki pochodzące z rozbitego strzałem zamka.«
  54. ↑ Cichopek, Anna (2003). "The Cracow pogrom of August 1945: A Narrative Reconstruction". In Zimmerman, Joshua D. Contested Memories: Poles and Jews During the Holocaust and Its Aftermath. Rutgers University Press. pp. 224–. ISBN 0813531586. Essay.
  55. 1 2 Libionka, Dariusz (2002). "Recenzja: Pogrom Żydów w Krakowie 11 sierpnia 1945 r. by Anna Cichopek, Warszawa 2000" [Review of The Cracow pogrom of August 11, 1945 by Anna Cichopek, 2000] (PDF). Pamięć i Sprawiedliwość. Muzeum Historii Polski. Vol. 1/1, 179-182. The author, [Anna Cichopek], repeats the stereotype found in literature, about the resurgence of anti-Semitic rhetoric in times of crisis, but curiously enough, does not explain how it would have been possible in postwar Kraków with no evidence of the blood libel propaganda in the 1930s... And, in spite of all documentary evidence confirming the death of one person, Cichopek claims five victims by looking at photographs from some funeral. Original: »Autorka nie wyjaśnia zadziwiającego powrotu tego motywu w pierwszych latach powojennych, zadowalając się powtórzeniem poglądu zakorzenionego w literaturze przedmiotu...«
  56. 1 2 Robert B. Pynsent, ed. (2000). The Phoney Peace: Power and Culture in Central Europe, 1945-49. University of London School of Slavonic and East European Studies. ISBN 0-903425-01-7.
  57. ↑ B. Szaynok, in Antisemitism and its opponents in modern Poland By Robert Blobaum. Page 272
  58. ↑ Interview with Krzysztof Kąkolewski, "To Moskwa zaplanowała ten mord." Available with purchase. Archived March 16, 2012, at the Wayback Machine. Tygodnik Angora - Przegląd prasy krajowej i światowej, Łódź, 29/2006 (839); section Kultura, p. 56. Copy available at Forum historycy.org, 3/07/2006, and at Gazeta.pl Forum (incomplete), 16.07.06 (in Polish)
  59. 1 2 Marrus, Michael Robert; Aristide R. Zolberg (2002). The Unwanted: European Refugees from the First World War Through the Cold War. Temple University Press. p. 336. ISBN 1-56639-955-6. This gigantic effort, known by the Hebrew code word Brichah(flight), accelerated powerfully after the Kielce pogrom in July 1946
  60. ↑ Aleksiun, Natalia. "Beriḥah". YIVO. Suggested reading: Arieh J. Kochavi, "Britain and the Jewish Exodus...," Polin 7 (1992): pp. 161–175
  61. ↑ Ochayon, Sheryl. "Anti-Jewish Violence in Poland After Liberation".
  62. ↑ Kochavi, Arieh J. (2001). Post-Holocaust Politics: Britain, the United States & Jewish Refugees, 1945–1948. The University of North Carolina Press. pp. xi. ISBN 0-8078-2620-0.
  63. ↑ Lucjan Dobroszycki. "Restoring Jewish Life in Post-War Poland", Soviet Jewish Affairs 3 (1973), pp. 68-70. Cited in Engel 1998
  64. ↑ István Deák; Jan Tomasz Gross; Tony Judt (2000). The politics of retribution in Europe : World War II and its aftermath. Princeton, N.J: Princeton University Press. pp. 106–107. ISBN 0-691-00953-8. OCLC 43840165.
  65. ↑ See, e.g., Antony Polanski. My Brother's Keeper? Routledge, 1989; Meyer Weinberg. Because They Were Jews: A History of Antisemitism. Greenwood Press, 1986; Jan Tomasz Gross. Revolution from Abroad: The Soviet Conquest of Poland's Western Ukraine and Western Belorussia. Princeton University Press, 2002; Natalia Aleksiun. Jewish Responses to Antisemitism in Poland, 1944-1947. In: Joshua D. Zimmerman, ed. Contested Memories: Poles and Jews During the Holocaust and Its Aftermath. Rutgers University Press, 2003.
  66. ↑ Cited in Engel, 1998
  67. ↑ Yisrael Gutman. The Jews in Poland after World War II (Hebrew), (Jerusalem: Merkaz Zalman Shazar, 1985).
  68. ↑ Cichopek (2003), "The Cracow pogrom of August 1945" [in] Contested Memories, p. 221. ISBN 0813531586. Essay.
  69. ↑ (in Polish) Stefan Grajek, Po wojnie i co dalej? Żydzi w Polsce, w latach 1945−1949, (translated from Hebrew by Aleksander Klugman), Żydowski Instytut Historyczny, Warszawa 2003, pg. 254
  70. ↑ Tadeusz Piotrowski (1998). Poland's holocaust : ethnic strife, collaboration with occupying forces and genocide in the Second Republic, 1918-1947. McFarland and Company. p. 130. ISBN 0-7864-0371-3. OCLC 37195289.
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