Austronesian alignment

Austronesian alignment, commonly known as the Philippine-type voice system, is a typologically unusual kind of morphosyntactic alignment in which "one argument can be marked as having a special relationship to the verb"[1]. This special relationship manifests itself as a voice affix on the verb that corresponds to a noun (i.e., the subject) within the same clause that is either marked for a particular case or found in a privileged structural position within the clause or both.

Austronesian alignment is best known from the languages of the Philippines, but is also found in Taiwan's Formosan languages, as well as in Borneo, Northern Sulawesi, and Madagascar, and has been reconstructed for the ancestral Proto-Austronesian language.

The examples[2] below are in Proto-Austronesian. Asterisks indicate a reconstruction. The voice affix on the verb appears in red text, while the subject, which the affix selects, appears in underlined bold italics. Four voices have been reconstructed for Proto-Austronesian: Agent Trigger, Patient Trigger, Locative Trigger and Instrument Trigger.

(1)Agent Trigger
K‹um›aen Semay Cau.
AT›eatriceman
"The man is eating some rice."
(2)Patient Trigger
Kaen-en nu Cau Semay.
eat-PTERGmanrice
"A/the man is eating the rice."
(or "The rice is being eaten by a/the man.")
(3)Locative Trigger
Kaen-an nu Cau Semay Rumaq.
eat-LTERGmanricehouse
"The man is eating rice in the house."
(or "The house is being eaten rice in by the man.")
(4)Instrument Trigger
Si-kaen nu Cau Semay lima-ni-á.
IT-eatERGmanricehand-GEN-3SG
"The man is eating rice with his hand."
(or "Hisi hand is being eaten rice with by the mani.")

Description

Whereas most languages have two voices which are used to track referents in discourse, a transitive 'active' voice and an intransitive 'passive' or 'antipassive' voice, prototypical Philippine languages have two voices, which are both transitive. One of the two Philippine voices is similar, in form, to the active voice of ergative–absolutive languages, and the other is similar to the active voice of nominative–accusative languages. They perform functions similar to the active and passive/antipassive voices, respectively, in those languages.

The ergative-like Philippine voice used to be often called the "passive," and the accusative-like voice has often been called the "active." However, that terminology is misleading and now deprecated, partly because the "passive" is the default voice in Austronesian languages, and a true passive is a secondary voice; however, no substitute terms have been widely accepted. Among the more common terms proposed are patient trigger (the ergative-like voice) and agent trigger (the accusative-like voice), which will be used here. The phrases are taken from the terms 'agent' and 'patient', which are used in semantics for the acting and acted-upon participants in a transitive clause.

The three types of voice system and the grammatical cases of their core arguments can be contrasted as follows:

Morphological alignment Case of basic intransitive clause Cases of basic transitive clause Cases of the secondary voice
Accusative
(as most European languages)
nominative
(same case as Agent)
Active voice Passive voice
nominative (Agent) nominative (Patient)
accusative (Patient)
Ergative
(as most Australian languages)
absolutive
(same case as Patient)
Active voice Antipassive voice
absolutive (Patient) absolutive (Agent)
ergative (Agent)
Austronesian
(as most Philippine languages)
"direct"
(the case common to the two transitive voices)
Patient trigger Agent trigger
"direct" (Patient) "direct" (Agent)
ergative (Agent) accusative (Patient)

The Philippine cases are only approximately equivalent to their namesakes in other languages and so are placed in quotes. ("Direct," as used here, is commonly called "nominative" or "absolutive", for example.) The "ergative" case is identical in form to the Philippine genitive case, but it is common in ergative languages for the ergative case to have the form of an oblique case like the genitive or the locative case.

The reconstructed Proto-Malayo-Polynesian examples below[3] illustrate the Philippine system. (Asterisks indicate a reconstruction.) The unmarked clause order was to have the verb first and the "direct" phrase last. The voice was indicated by an affix to the verb (infix -um- for agent trigger and suffix -ən for patient trigger). In modern Philippine languages, the practical effect of the voice distinction is rather like the difference between sentences with definite patients and sentences with indefinite patients (i.e., the use of a and the with direct objects) in English, and it is assumed to have played a similar role in the protolanguage.

In the example in (1) below, the agent a manuk "the chicken" is in sentence-final, subject position. The verb appears with the -um- agent trigger infix. In (2), however, the patient a wai "the mango" is in subject position, and the verb is marked with the -ən patient trigger suffix. Note that, in (1), the patient ta wai translates to "a mango".

(1)Agent Trigger
 *k‹um›aRat ta wai a manuk.
AT›biteACCmangoDIRchicken
"The chicken is biting a mango."
(2)Patient Trigger
 *kaRat-ən na manuk a wai.
bite-PTERGchickenDIRmango
"The chicken is biting the mango."
(or "The mango is being bitten by the chicken.")

Philippine-type languages have more than two voices. Beside the ones shown above, there would be also locative and benefactive voices. The locative trigger is illustrated below in (3); the -an suffix on the verb selects a kahiw "the tree", which is the location of the action, as the subject:

(3)Locative Trigger
 *kaʔən-an na manuk a kahiw.
eat-LTERGchickenDIRtree
"The chicken is eating in the tree."
(or "The tree is being eaten in by the chicken.")

Examples

The various Austronesian languages sampled below demonstrate that the number of voices differs from language to language. While the majority sampled have four voices, it is possible to have as few as three voices, and as many as six voices. In the examples below, the voice affix on the verb appears in red text, while the subject, which the affix selects, appears in underlined bold italics.

Formosan

The data below come from Formosan primarily spoken in Taiwan.

Hla’alua

Hla’alua[4][5] has three voices: Agent Trigger, Patient Trigger and Circumstantial Trigger.

The circumstantial trigger suffix selects for locative and theme subjects.

While bound pronouns have a direct case form, nouns do not bear a special direct case marker for subjects in Hla’alua.

(1)Agent Voice
Hli-um-u=cu=aku hlavate usua.
ASP-AT-eat=ASP=1SG.DIRguavatwo
"I have eaten two guavas."
(2)Patient Trigger
Hli-paipekel-a=cu a Eleke a tangusuhlu=na.
ASP-mould-PT=ASPDETElekeDETrice.cake=DEF
"Eleke has moulded the rice cake."
(or "The rice cake has been moulded by Eleke.")
(3)a. Circumstantial Trigger (with locative subject)
Hli-aala-ana ’Angai vutukuhlu a hluuhlungu=na.
ASP-take-CT’AngaifishDETstream=DEF
"’Angai has caught fish in the stream."
(or "The stream has been caught fish in by ’Angai.")
(3)b. Circumstantial Trigger (with theme subject)
Hli-aala-ana=ku a vahlituku-isa ama’a.
ASP-take-CT=1SG.ERGDETmoney-3father
"I have taken father's money."
(or "Father's money has been taken by me.")

Kavalan

Kavalan[6] has three voices: Agent Trigger, Patient Trigger and Circumstantial Trigger.

The circumstantial trigger prefix selects for instrument and benefactee subjects.

The direct case morpheme, which marks the subject in Kavalan, is ya.

(1)Agent Trigger
Q‹em›al tu rasung ya sunis.
AT›digACCwellDIRchild
"The child dug a well."
(2)Patient Trigger
Qal-an na sunis ya rasung.
dig-PTERGchildDIRwell
"The child dug the well."
(or The well was dug by the child.")
(3)a. Circumstantial Trigger (with instrument subject)
Ti-tangan=ku tu ineb ya suqsuq.
CT-open=1SG.ERGACCdoorDIRkey
"I opened the door with the key."
(or "The key was opened the door with by me.")
(3)b. Circumstantial Trigger (with benefactee subject)
Ti-sammay na tama=ku ya tina=ku.
CT-cookERGfather=1SG.GENDIRmother-1SG.GEN
"My father cooked for my mother."
(or "My mother was cooked for by my father.")

Paiwan

Paiwan[7] has four voices: Agent Trigger, Patient Trigger, Locative Trigger, and Instrument Trigger.

The direct case morpheme, which marks the subject in Paiwan, is a.

(1)Agent Trigger
Q‹m›ałup a tsautsau tua vavuy i (tua) gadu tua vuluq.
AT›huntDIRmanOBLpigPREP(OBL)mountainOBLspear
"The man hunts the pigs in the mountains with a spear."
(2)Patient Trigger
Qałup-en nua tsautsau a vavuy i (tua) gadu tua vuluq.
hunt-PTERGmanDIRpigPREP(OBL)mountainOBLspear
"The man hunts the pigs in the mountains with a spear."
(or "The pigs are hunted by the man in the mountains with a spear.")
(3) Locative Trigger
Qałup-an nua tsautsau tua vavuy a gadu tua vuluq.
hunt-LTERGmanOBLpigDIRmountainOBLspear
"The man hunts the pigs in the mountains with a spear."
(or "The mountains are hunted the pigs in by the man with a spear.")
(4)Instrument Trigger
Si-qałup nua tsautsau tua vavuy i (tua) gadu a vuluq.
IT-huntERGmanOBLpigPREP(OBL)mountainDIRspear
"The man hunts the pigs in the mountains with a spear."
(or "The spear is hunted the pigs with by the man in the mountains.")

Pazeh

Pazeh[8], which became extinct in 2010, had four voices: Agent Trigger, Patient Trigger, Locative Trigger, and Instrument Trigger.

The direct case morpheme, which marks the subject in Pazeh, is ki.

(1)Agent Trigger
Mu-ngazip yaku ki wazu.
AT-bite1SGDIRdog
"The dog bit me."
(2)Patient Trigger
Ngazib-en wazu lia ki rakihan.
bite-PTdogASPDIRchild
"A dog bit the child."
(or The child was bitten by a dog.")
(3)Locative Trigger
Pu-batu’-an lia ki babaw daran.
pave-stone-LTASPDIRsurfaceroad
"The road surface was paved with stones."
(4)Instrument Trigger
Saa-talek alaw ki bulayan.
IT-cookfishDIRpan
"The pan was cooked fish with."

Puyuma

Puyuma[9] has four voices: Agent Trigger, Patient Trigger, Locative Trigger, and Circumstantial Trigger.

The circumstantial trigger suffix selects for benefactee and instrument subjects.

The direct case morpheme, which marks the subject in Puyuma, is na or i.

(1)Agent Trigger
Tr‹em›akaw dra paisu i Isaw.
AT.RL›stealACCmoneyDIRIsaw
"Isaw stole money."
(2)Patient Trigger
Tu=trakaw-aw na paisu kan Isaw.
3.ERG=steal-PT.RLDIRmoneyERGIsaw
"Isaw stole the money."
(or "The money was stolen by Isaw.")
(3)Locative Trigger
Tu=trakaw-ay=ku dra paisu kan Isaw.
3.ERG=steal-LT.RL=1SG.DIRACCmoneyERGIsaw
"Isaw stole money from me."
(or "I was stolen money from by Isaw.")
(4)a. Circumstantial Trigger (with benefactee subject)
Tu=trakaw-anay i tinataw dra paisu.
3.ERG=steal-CT.RLDIRhis.motherACCmoney
"He stole money for his mother."
(or "Hisi mother was stolen money for by himi.")
(4)b. Circumstantial Trigger (with instrument subject)[10]
Ku=dirus-anay na enay kan Aliwaki.
1SG.ERG=wash-CT.RLDIRwaterACCAliwaki
"I washed Aliwaki with water."
(or "The water was washed Aliwaki with by me.")

Seediq

The two dialects of Seediq presented below each have a different number of voices. The direct case morpheme, which marks the subject in both dialects, is ka.

Tgdaya Seediq

The Tgdaya dialect[11] has four voices: Agent Trigger, Patient Trigger, Locative Trigger and Instrument Trigger.

(1)Agent Trigger
S‹em›ebuc ricah ka Pawan.
AT›hitplumDIRPawan
"Pawan is hitting plums."
(2)Patient Trigger
Sebet-un na Pawan karicah.
hit-PTERGPawanDIRplum
"Pawan is hitting the plum."
(or "The plum is being hit by Pawan.")
(3)Locative Trigger
Sebet-an na Pawan ricah ka peepah.
hit-LTERGPawanplumDIRfarm.field
"Pawan is hitting plums in the farm field."
(or "The farm field is being hit plums in by Pawan.")
(4)Instrument Trigger
Se-sebuc na Pawan ricah ka butakan.
IT-hitERGPawanplumDIRstick
"Pawan is hitting plums with the stick."
(or "The stick is being hit plums with by Pawan.")
Truku Seediq

The Truku dialect[12] has three voices: Agent Trigger, Goal Trigger, and Circumstantial Trigger.

The goal trigger suffix selects for patient and location subjects. The circumstantial trigger prefix selects for benefactee and instrument subjects.

(1)Agent Trigger
K‹em›erut babuy ka Masaw.
AT›cutpigDIRMasaw
"Masaw slaughters a/the pig."
(2)a.Goal Trigger (with patient subject)
Keret-an Masaw ka babuy.
cut-GTMasawDIRpig
"Masaw slaughters the pig."
(or "The pig is slaughtered by Masaw.")
(2)b.Goal Trigger (with location subject)
Keret-an laqi sagas ka keti’inuh ni’i.
cut-GTchildwatermelonDIRboardthis
"The child cuts watermelon on this board."
(or "This board is cut watermelon on by the child.")
(3)a.Circumstantial Trigger (with benefactee subject)
Se-kerut babuy Masaw ka baki.
CT-cutpigMasawDIRold.man
"Masaw slaughters a/the pig for the old man."
(or "The old man is slaughtered a/the pig for by Masaw.")
(3)b.Circumstantial Trigger (with instrument subject)
Se-kerut babuy Masaw ka puting.
CT-cutpigMasawDIRknife
"Masaw slaughters a/the pig with the knife."
(or "The knife is slaughtered a/the pig with by Masaw.")

Squliq Atayal

Squliq Atayal[13] has four voices: Agent Trigger, Patient Trigger, Locative Trigger, and Circumstantial Trigger.

The circumstantial trigger prefix selects for benefactee and instrument subjects.

The direct case morpheme in Squliq Atayal is qu’.

(1)Agent Trigger
M-aniq qulih qu’ Tali’.
AT-eatfishDIRTali
"Tali eats fish."
(2)Patient Trigger
Niq-un na’ Tali’ qu’ qulih qasa.
eat-PTERGTaliDIRfishthat
"Tali eats that fish."
(or "That fish is eaten by Tali.")
(3)Locative Trigger
Niq-an na’ Tali’ qulih qu’ ngasal qasa.
eat-LTERGTalifishDIRhousethat
"Tali eats fish in that house."
(or "That house is eaten fish in by Tali.")
(4)a.Circumstantial Trigger (with benefactee subject)
S-qaniq na’ Tali’ qulih qu’ Sayun.
CT-eatERGTalifishDIRSayun
"Tali eats fish for Sayun."
(or "Sayun is eaten fish for by Tali.")
(4)b.Circumstantial Trigger (with instrument subject)
S-qaniq na’ Tali’ qulih qu’ qway.
CT-eatERGTalifishDIRchopsticks
"Tali eats fish with chopsticks."
(or "Chopsticks are eaten fish with by Tali.")

Tsou

Tsou[14] has four voices: Agent Trigger, Patient Trigger, Locative Trigger, and Benefactive Trigger. In addition to the voice morphology on the main verb, auxiliary verbs in Tsou, which are obligatory in the sentence[15], are also marked for voice. However, auxiliaries only differentiate between agent trigger and non-agent trigger[16] (in pink text).

The direct case morpheme, which marks subjects in Tsou, is ’o.

(1)Agent Trigger
Mi-’o mo-si to peisu ne Nookay.
AUX.AT-1SG.DIRAT-putOBLmoneyOBLNookay
"I deposit money in Nookay."
(2)Patient Trigger
Os-’o si-a to panka ’o peisu.
AUX.NAT-1SG.ERGput-PTOBLtableDIRmoney
"I put the money on the/a table."
(or "The money was put on the/a table by me.")
(3)Locative Trigger
Os-’o si-i to chumu ’o kopu.
AUX.NAT-1SG.ERGput-LTOBLwaterDIRcup
"I put water into the cup."
(or "The cup was put water into by me.")
(4)Benefactive Trigger[17]
Os-’o si-i-neni to ocha ’o Pasuya.
AUX.NAT-1SG.ERGput-LT-BTOBLteaDIRPasuya
"I served tea for Pasuya."
(or "Pasuya was served tea for by me.")

Philippine

The data below come from Philippine languages, a subgroup under Malayo-Polynesian, predominantly spoken across the Philippines, with some found on the island of Sulawesi in Indonesia.

Blaan

Blaan[18][19][20] has three voices: Agent Trigger, Goal Trigger, and Instrument Trigger.

The goal trigger voice selects for patient and location subjects.

Agent Prefocus Base[21]Goal Prefocus Base[22]Instrument Prefocus Base[23]
(1)Agent Trigger (intransitive)(1)Agent Trigger(1)Agent Trigger
Stifun ale.           M-bat agu bula.         K‹am›langagukayu.
assemble3PL.DIR           AT-throw1SG.DIRballAT›cut1SG.DIRtree
"They assemble.""I throw the ball.""I cut the tree."
(2)Agent Trigger (transitive)(2)Goal Trigger (with patient subject)(2)Goal Trigger (with patient subject)
S‹am›tifun ale dad to.       Bat=gu bula.         K‹an›lang=gukayu.
AT›assemble3PL.DIRPLpersonthrow=1SG.ERGballNAT›cut=1SG.ERGtree
"They assemble the people.""I throw the ball""I cut the tree."
"They assemble the people"(or "The ball is thrown by me.")(or "The tree is cut by me.")
(3)Goal Trigger (with patient subject)(3)Goal Trigger (with location subject)(3)Instrument Trigger
S‹an›tifun=ladadto.N-bat=gu bula diding.       Klang=gukayufalakol.
NAT›assemble=3PL.ERGPLpersonNAT-throw=1SG.ERGballwallcut=1SG.ERGtreehatchet
"They assemble the people.""I throw the ball at the wall.""I cut the tree with the hatchet."
(or "The people are assembled by them.")(or "The wall is thrown the ball at by me.")(or "The hatchet is cut the tree with by me.")

Cebuano

Cebuano[24] has four voices: Agent Trigger, Patient Trigger, Circumstantial Trigger, and Instrument Trigger.

The circumstantial trigger suffix selects for location, benefactee and goal subjects.

The direct case morpheme, which marks the subject in Cebuano, is ang or si.

(1)Agent Trigger
Mo-luto’ si Maria ug kalamay para kang Pedro.
AT-cookDIRMariaACCtype.of.dessertforOBLPedro
"Maria will cook kalamay for Pedro."
(2)Patient Trigger
Luto’-on sa babaye ang bugas sa lata.
cook-PTERGwomanDIRriceOBLcan
"The woman will cook the rice in the can."
(or "The rice will be cooked by the woman in the can.")
(3)a. Circumstantial Trigger (with location subject)
Luto’-an sa babaye ang lata ug bugas.
cook-CTERGwomanDIRcanACCrice
"The woman will cook rice in the can."
(or "The can will be cooked rice in by the woman.")
(3) b. Circumstantial Trigger (with benefactee subject)
Luto’-an ni Maria si Pedro ug kalamay.
cook-CTERGMariaDIRPedroACCtype.of.dessert
"Maria will cook Pedro kalamay."
(or "Pedro will be cooked kalamay for by Maria.")
(3) c. Circumstantial Trigger (with goal subject)
Sulat-an ni Inday si Perla ug sulat.
write-CTERGIndayDIRPerlaACCletter
"Inday will write Perla a letter."
(or "Perla will be written a letter to by Inday.")
(4)Instrument Trigger
I-sulat ni Linda ang lapis ug sulat.
IT-writeERGLindaDIRpencilACCletter
"Linda will write a letter with the pencil."
(or "The pencil will be written a letter with by Linda.")

Kalagan

Kalagan[25] has four voices: Agent Trigger, Patient Trigger, Instrument Trigger, and Circumstantial Trigger.

The circumstantial trigger suffix selects for benefactee and location subjects.

The direct case morpheme, which marks the subject in Kalagan, is ya. The direct case form of the first person, singular pronoun is aku, whereas the ergative case form is ku.

(1)Agent Trigger
K‹um›amang aku sa tubig na lata kan Ma’ adti balkon na lunis.
AT›get1SG.DIROBLwaterPREPcanforDadonporchPREPMonday
"I will get the water with the can for Dad on the porch on Monday."
(2)Patient Trigger
Kamang-in ku ya tubig na lata kan Ma’ adti balkon na lunis.
get-PT1SG.ERGDIRwaterPREPcanforDadonporchPREPMonday
"I will get the water with the can for Dad on the porch on Monday."
(or "The water will be gotten by me with the can for Dad on the porch on Monday.")
(3)Instrument Trigger
Pag-kamang ku ya lata sa tubig kan Ma’ adti balkon na lunis.
IT-get1SG.ERGDIRcanOBLwaterforDadonporchPREPMonday
"I will get the water with the can for Dad on the porch on Monday."
(or "The can will be gotten the water with by me for Dad on the porch on Monday.")
(4)a. Circumstantial Trigger (with benefactee subject)
Kamang-an ku ya Ma’ sa tubig na lata adti balkon na lunis.
get-CT1SG.ERGDIRDadOBLwaterPREPcanonporchPREPMonday
"I will get the water with the can for Dad on the porch on Monday."
(or "Dad will be gotten the water for by me with the can on the porch on Monday.")
(4)b. Circumstantial Trigger (with location subject)
Kamang-an ku ya balkon sa tubig na lata kan Ma’ na lunis.
get-CT1SG.ERGDIRporchOBLwaterPREPcanforDadPREPMonday
"I will get the water with the can for Dad on the porch on Monday."
(or "The porch will be gotten the water from by me with the can for Dad on Monday.")

Kapampangan

Kapampangan[26] has five voices: Agent Trigger, Patient Trigger, Goal Trigger, Locative Trigger, and Cirumstantial Trigger.

The circumstantial trigger prefix selects for instrument and benefactee subjects.

The direct case morpheme in Kapampangan is ing, which marks singular subjects, and reng, which is for plural subjects. Non-subject agents are marked with ergative case, ning, while non-subject patients are marked with accusative case, -ng, which is cliticized onto the preceding word.[27]

(1)Agent Trigger
S‹um›ulat yang poesia ing lalaki king pen king papil.
ya=ng
AT›will.write3SG.DIR=ACCpoemDIRboyOBLpenOBLpaper
"The boy will write a poem with a pen on the paper."
(2)Patient Trigger
I-sulat ne ning lalaki ing poesia king mestra.
na+ya
PT-will.write3SG.ERG+3SG.DIRERGboyDIRpoemOBLteacher.F
"The boy will write the poem to the teacher."
(or "The poem will be written by boy to the teacher.")
(3)Goal Trigger
Sulat-anan ne ning lalaki ing mestro.
na+ya
will.write-GT3SG.ERG+3SG.DIRERGboyDIRteacher.M
"The boy will write to the teacher."
(or "The teacher will be written to by the boy.")
(4)Locative Trigger
Pi-sulat-an neng poesia ning lalaki ing blackboard.
na+ya=ng
LT-will.write-LT3SG.ERG+3SG.DIR=ACCpoemERGboyDIRblackboard
"The boy will write a poem on the blackboard."
(or "The blackboard will be written a poem on by the boy.")
(5)a. Circumstantial Trigger (with instrument subject)
Panyulat neng poesia ning lalaki ing pen.
paN-sulatna+ya=ng
CT-will.write3SG.ERG+3SG.DIR=ACCpoemERGboyDIRpen
"The boy will write a poem with the pen."
(or "The pen will be written a poem with by the boy.")
(5)b. Circumstantial Trigger (with benefactee subject)
Pamasa nong libru ning babai reng anak.
paN-basana+la=ng
CT-will.read3SG.ERG+3PL.DIR=ACCbookERGwomanPL.DIRchild
"The woman will read a book for the children."
(or "The children will be read a book for by the woman.")

Limos Kalinga

Limos Kalinga[28] has five voices: Agent Trigger, Patient Trigger, Location Trigger, Benefactive Trigger and Instrument Trigger.

Except for when the subject is the agent, the subject is found directly after the agent in the clause.

(1)Agent Trigger
Nandalus si Malia=t danat palatu.
n-man-dalus
ASP-AT-washDIRMalia=OBLPLplate
"Malia washed some plates."
(2)Patient Trigger[29]
B‹in›ayu-=m din pagoy.
ASP›pound-PT=2SG.ERGDIRrice
"You pounded the rice."
(or "The rice was pounded by you.")
(3)Location Trigger
D‹in›alus-an ud Malia danat palatu.
ASP›wash-LTERGMaliaDIR.PLplate
"Malia washed the plates."
(or "The plates were washed by Malia.")
(4)Benefactive Trigger
I-n-dalus-an ud Malia si ina=na=t nat palatu.
BT-ASP-wash-BTERGMaliaDIRmother=3SG.GEN=OBLSGplate
"Malia washed a plate for her mother."
(or "Heri mother was washed a plate for by Maliai.")
(5)Instrument Trigger
I-n-dalus ud Malia nat sabun sinat palatu.
IT-ASP-washERGMaliaDIRsoapOBL.SGplate
"Malia washed a plate with the soap."
(or "The soap was washed a plate with by Malia.")

Maranao

Maranao[30] has four voices: Agent Trigger, Patient Trigger, Circumstantial Trigger, and Instrument Trigger.

The circumstantial suffix selects for benefactee and location subjects.

The direct case morpheme, which marks the subject in Maranao, is so.

(1)Agent Trigger
S‹om›ombali’ so mama’ sa karabao ko maior.
AT›butcherDIRmanOBLwater.buffaloPREPmayor
"The man will butcher water buffalo for the mayor."
(2)Patient Trigger
Sombali’-in o mama’ so karabao.
butcher-PTERGmanDIRwater.buffalo
"The man will butcher the water buffalo."
(or "The water buffalo will be butchered by the man.")
(3)a. Circumstantial Trigger (with benefactee subject)
Sombali’-an o mama’ so maior sa karabao.
butcher-CTERGmanDIRmayorOBLwater.buffalo
"The man will butcher water buffalo for the mayor."
(or "The mayor will be butchered water buffalo for by the man.")
(3)b. Circumstantial Trigger (with location subject)
Koaq-an o mama’ sa bolong so tinda.
get-CTERGmanOBLmedicineDIRstore
"The man will get the medicine at/from the store."
(or "The store will be gotten medicine at/from by the man.")
(4)Instrument Trigger
I-sombali’ o mama’ so gelat ko karabao.
butcher-ITERGmanDIRknifePREPwater.buffalo
"The man will butcher the water buffalo with the knife."
(or "The knife will be butchered the water buffalo with by the man.")

Tagalog

Tagalog has six voices: Agent Trigger, Patient Trigger, Locative Trigger, Benefactive Trigger, Instrument Trigger, and Reason Trigger.

The locative trigger suffix selects for location and goal subjects. (In the examples below, the goal subject and the benefactee subject are the same noun phrase.)

The reason trigger prefix can only be affixed to certain roots, the majority of which are for emotion verbs (e.g., galit "be angry", sindak "be shocked"). However, verb roots such as matay "die", sakit "get sick", and iyak "cry" may also be marked with the reason trigger prefix.

The direct case morpheme, which marks subjects in Tagalog, is ang. The indirect case morpheme, ng /naŋ/, which is the conflation of the ergative and accusative cases seen in Proto-Malayo-Polynesian, marks non-subject agents and non-subject patients.

(1)Agent Trigger
B‹um›ili ng mangga sa palengke para sa ale sa pamamagitan ng pera ang mama.
ASP.AT›buyINDmangoOBLmarketforOBLwomanOBLmeansINDmoneyDIRman
"The man bought a mango at the market for the woman by means of money."
(2)Patient Trigger[31]
B‹in›ili- ng mama sa palengke para sa ale sa pamamagitan ng pera ang mangga.
ASP›buy-PTINDmanOBLmarketforOBLwomanOBLmeansINDmoneyDIRmango
"The man bought the mango at the market for the woman by means of money."
(or "The mango was bought by the man at the market for the woman by means of money.")
(3)a.Locative Trigger (with location subject)
B‹in›ilh-an ng mama ng mangga para sa ale sa pamamagitan ng pera ang palengke.
ASP›buy-LTINDmanINDmangoforOBLwomanOBLmeansINDmoneyDIRmarket
"The man bought a mango at the market for the woman by means of money."
(or "The market was bought a mango at by the man for the woman by means of money.")
(3)b.Locative Trigger (with goal subject)
B‹in›ilh-an ng mama ng mangga sa palengke sa pamamagitan ng pera ang ale.
ASP›buy-LTINDmanINDmangoOBLmarketOBLmeansINDmoneyDIRwoman
"The man bought a mango at the market for the woman by means of money."
(or "The woman was bought a mango for by the man at the market by means of money.")
(4)Benefactive Trigger
I-b‹in›ili ng mama ng mangga sa palengke sa pamamagitan ng pera ang ale.
BT-‹ASP›buyINDmanINDmangoOBLmarketOBLmeansINDmoneyDIRwoman
"The man bought a mango at the market for the woman by means of money."
(or "The woman was bought a mango for by the man at the market by means of money.")
(5)Instrument Trigger
Ipinambili ng mama ng mangga sa palengke para sa ale ang pera.
Ip‹in›aN-bili
ASPIT-buyINDmanINDmangoOBLmarketforOBLwomanDIRmoney
"The man bought a mango at the market for the woman by means of money."
(or "The money was bought a mango with by the man at the market for the woman.")
(6)a.Reason Trigger[32]
Ik‹in›a-iyak ng bata ang pag-kagat sa kaniya ng langgam.
ASPRT-cryINDchildDIRNMLZ-biteOBL3SG.OBLINDant
"The child cried because an/the ant bit him."
(or "An/the ant's biting of him was cried about by the child.")
(6)b.Agent Trigger
Um›iyak ang bata dahil k‹in›agat- siya ng langgam.
ASP.AT›cryDIRchildbecauseASP›bite-PT3SG.DIRINDant
"The child cried because an/the ant bit him."
(or "The child cried because he was bitten by an/the ant.")

Tondano

Tondano[33] has four voices: Agent Trigger, Patient Trigger, Locative Trigger, and Circumstantial Trigger.

The circumstantial trigger selects for instrument and benefactee subjects.

The subject is found in sentence-initial position, before the verb.

(1)Agent Trigger
Si tuama k‹um›eoŋ roda wo n-tali waki pasar.
AN.SGmanAT›will.pullcartwithINAN-ropetomarket
"The man will pull the cart with the rope to the market."
(2)Patient Trigger
Roda keoŋ-ən ni tuama wo n-tali waki pasar.
cartwill.pull-PTERG.AN.SGmanwithINAN-ropetomarket
"The man will pull the cart with the rope to the market."
(or "The cart will be pulled with rope to the market by the man.")
(3)Locative Trigger
Pasar keoŋ-an ni tuama roda wo n-tali.
marketwill.pull-LTERG.AN.SGmancartwithINAN-rope
"The man will pull the cart with the rope to the market."
(or "The market will be pulled the cart to with the rope by the man.")
(4)a. Circumstantial Trigger (with instrument subject)
Tali i-keoŋ ni tuama roda waki pasar.
ropeCT-will.pullERG.AN.SGmancarttomarket
"The man will pull the cart with the rope to the market."
(or "The rope will be pulled the cart with to the market by the man.")
(4)b.Circumstantial Trigger (with benefactee subject)
Se okiʔ i-lutuʔ ni mama seraʔ
AN.PLchildCT-will.cookERG.AN.SGmotherfish
"Mother will cook fish for the children."
(or "The children will be cooked fish for by mother.")

Bornean

The data below come from Bornean languages, a geographic grouping under Malayo-Polynesian, mainly spoken on the island of Borneo, spanning administrative areas of Malaysia and Indonesia.

Kadazan Dusun

Kadazan Dusun[34] has three voices: Agent Trigger, Patient Trigger and Benefactive Trigger.

The direct case morpheme, which marks the subject in Kadazan Dusun, is i.

(1)Agent Trigger
Mog-ovit i ama’ di tanak do buuk.
AT-bringDIRfatherINDchildACCbook
"Father is bringing the child a book."
(2)Patient Trigger
Ovit-on di ama’ di tanak i buuk.
bring-PTINDfatherINDchildDIRbook
"Father is bringing the child the book."
(or "The book is being brought to the child by Father.")
(3)Benefactive Trigger
Ovit-an di ama’ i tanak do buuk.
bring-BTINDfatherDIRchildACCbook
"Father is bringing the child a book."
(or "The child is being brought a book to by Father.")

Kelabit

Kelabit[35] has three voices: Agent Trigger, Patient Trigger and Instrument Trigger.

Unlike other languages presented here, Kelabit does not use case-marking or word-ordering strategies to indicate the subject of the clause[36]. However, certain syntactic processes, such as relativization, target the subject. Relativizing non-subjects results in ungrammatical sentences.[37].

(1)Agent Trigger
La’ih sineh nenekul nubaq nedih ngen seduk.
in-N-tekul
manthatASP-AT-spoon.uprice3SG.GENwithspoon
"That man spooned his rice up with a spoon."
(2)Patient Trigger[38]
Sikul la’ih sineh nubaq nedih ngen seduk.
t‹in›ekul-
ASP›spoon.up-PTmanthatrice3SG.GENwithspoon.
"That man spooned his rice up with a spoon."
(or "Hisi rice was spooned up with a spoon by that mani.")
(3)Instrument Trigger
Seduk penenekul la’ih sineh nubaq nedih.
p<in>eN-tekul
spoon<ASP>IT-spoon.upmanthatrice3SG.GEN
"That man spooned his rice up with a spoon."
(or "A spoon was spooned hisi rice up with by that mani.")

Kimaragang

Kimaragang[39] has five voices: Agent Trigger, Patient Trigger, Benefactive Trigger, Instrument Trigger and Locative Trigger.

Only intransitive verbs can be marked with the locative trigger suffix[40], which looks similar to the patient trigger suffix[41].

The direct case marker, which marks the subject in Kimaragang, is it for definite nouns and ot for indefinite nouns.

(1)Agent Trigger
Mangalapak oku do niyuw.
m-poN-lapak
AT-TR-split1SG.DIRIND.INDFcoconut
"I will split a coconut/some coconuts."
(2)Patient Trigger
Lapak-on ku it niyuw.
split-PT1SG.INDDIR.DEFcoconut
"I will split the coconuts."
(or "The coconuts will be split by me.")
(3)Benefactive Trigger
Lapak-an ku do niyuw it wogok.
split-BT1SG.INDIND.INDFcoconutDIR.DEFpig
"I will split some coconuts for the pigs."
(or "The pigs will be split some coconuts for by me.")
(4)Instrument Trigger[42][43]
Tongo ot pangalapak nu dilo’ niyuw ______?
-poN-lapak
whatDIR.INDFIT-TR-split2SG.INDthat.INDcoconutDIR
"What will you split those coconuts with?"
(or "The thing that will be split those coconuts with by you is what?")
(5)Locative Trigger[44]
Siombo ot ogom-on ku _____?
whereDIR.INDFsit-LT1SG.INDDIR
"Where shall I sit?"
(or "The thing that will be sat upon by me is where?")

Barito

The data below represent the Barito languages, and are from a language spoken on Madagascar, off the east coast of Africa. Other languages from Barito are spoken in Indonesia and the Philippines.

Malagasy

Malagasy[45] has three voices: Agent Trigger, Patient Trigger, and Circumstantial Trigger.

The circumstantial trigger suffix selects for instrument and benefactee subjects.

Malagasy does not have a direct case marker. However, the subject is found in sentence-final position.

(1)Agent Trigger
Mamono akoho amin'ny antsy ny mpamboly.
m-aN-vono
AT-TR-killchickenwith'DETknifeDETfarmer
"The farmer kills chickens with the knife."
(2)Patient Trigger
Vonoin'ny mpamboly amin'ny antsy ny akoho.
vono-ina'ny
kill-PT'DETfarmerwith'DETknifeDETchicken
"The farmer kills the chickens with the knife."
(or "The chickens are killed with the knife by the farmer.")
(3)a. Circumstantial Trigger (with instrument subject)
Amonoan'ny mpamboly akoho ny antsy.
aN-vono-ana'ny
TR-kill-CT'DETfarmerchickenDETknife
"The farmer kills chickens with the knife."
(or "The knife is killed chickens with by the farmer.")
(3)b.Circumstantial Trigger (with benefactee subject)
Amonoan'ny mpamboly akoho ny vahiny.
aN-vono-ana'ny
TR-kill-CT'DETfarmerchickenDETguest
"The farmer kills chickens for the guests."
(or "The guests are killed chickens for by the farmer.")

Non-Austronesian Examples

Alignment types resembling Austronesian aligment have been observed in non-Austronesian languages.

Nilotic

Dinka Bor

Van Urk (2015) suggests that Dinka Bor, which is a Nilotic language spoken in South Sudan, exhibits Austronesian alignment. This language has three voices: Agent Trigger, Patient Trigger, and Circumstantial Trigger.

The subject is found in sentence-initial position, before the verb. The non-finite form of the verb found in the examples[46] below is câam "eat".

(1)Agent Trigger
Àyén à-c‹à›m cuî̤in nè̤ pǎal.
Ayen3SG-‹AT›eatfoodPREPknife
"Ayen is eating food with a knife."
(2)Patient Trigger
Cuî̤in à-c‹ɛ́ɛ›m Áyèn nè̤ pǎal.
food3SG-‹PT›eatAyen.ERGPREPknife
"Ayen is eating food with a knife."
(or "Food is being eaten by Ayen with a knife.")
(3)Circumstantial Trigger[47]
Pǎal à-c‹ɛ́ɛ›m-è̤ Áyèn cuî̤in.
knife3SG-‹PT›eat-CTAyen.ERGfood
"Ayen is eating food with a knife."
(or "The knife is being eaten food with by Ayen.")

Notes

Glosses

Here is a list of the abbreviations used in the glosses:

1 first person  DET determiner  M masculine
2 second person  DIR direct case  NAT non-agent trigger
3 third person  ERG ergative case  NMLZ nominalizer
ACC accusative case  F feminine  OBL oblique case
AN animate  GEN genitive case  PL plural
ASP aspect  GT goal trigger  PREP preposition
AT agent trigger  INAN inanimate  PT patient trigger
AUX auxiliary verb  IND indirect case  RL realis mood
BT benefactive trigger  INDF indefinite  RT reason trigger
CT circumstantial trigger  IT instrument trigger  SG singular
DEF definite  LT locative trigger  TR transitive

Endnotes

  1. Blust (2013), page 436.
  2. Taken from Blust (2013)'s examples in Table 7.2, (a) sentences. Glosses and translations modified for the Wikipedia article.
  3. Taken from Lynch, Ross and Crowley (2002)'s examples on page 59. Glosses and translations modified for the Wikipedia article.
  4. Taken from Pan (2012)'s examples in (3.16b), (3.23a), (3.32d) and (3.33a). Glosses and translation modified for the Wikipedia article.
  5. The orthography used in this subsection does not conform to the orthography used in Pan (2012) with respect to the consonant /ɬ/. Whereas Pan (2012) represents this sound as ‹lh›, this sound is represented here as ‹hl› (Pan (2012; page 50)).
  6. Taken from Lee (2016)'s examples in (24), and (25). Glosses and translations modified for the Wikipedia article.
  7. Taken from Ross and Teng (2005)'s examples in (2). Glosses and translations modified for the Wikipedia article.
  8. Taken from Li (2000)'s examples in (22), (39), and (58), and Li (2002)'s example in (15). Glosses and translations modified for the Wikipedia article.
  9. Taken from Aldridge (2015)'s examples in (7), and Cauquelin (1991)'s example on page 44. Glosses and translations modified for the Wikipedia article.
  10. While this example may come from Cauquelin (1991), the orthography used here conforms to the orthography used in Aldridge (2015).
  11. Taken from Kuo (2015)'s examples in (2.1) on page 14. Glosses and translations modified for the Wikipedia article.
  12. Taken from Tsukida (2012)'s examples in (3). Glosses and translations modified for the Wikipedia article.
  13. Taken from Liu (2017)'s examples in (52) to (56). Glosses and translations modified for the Wikipedia article.
  14. Taken from Huang and Huang (2007)'s examples in III in the Appendix, pages 449-450. Glosses and translations modified for the Wikipedia article.
  15. Zeitoun (2005), page 266
  16. Zeitoun (2005), page 267 ("actor voice" and "undergoer voice", respectively, in her terminology).
  17. In their gloss for this example, Huang and Huang (2007, page 450) suggest that the benefactive trigger suffix attaches to a stem composed of the verb and the locative trigger ("locative voice" in their terminology).
  18. Taken from Abrams (1970)'s examples on page 2. Glosses and translations modified for the Wikipedia article.
  19. Abrams (1970, pages 1-2) indicates that Blaan verbs are classified into three types of prefocus bases, each of which has an inherent voice without bearing any voice affixes. An agent prefocus base is a bare verb that is inherently in agent trigger voice. A goal prefocus base is inherently in goal trigger voice, and an instrument prefocus base is inherently in instrument trigger voice.
  20. Blaan has two morphemes which, when attached to a prefocus base, change the inherent voice of the base. These morphemes are the agent trigger affix, m-/-am-, and the non-agent trigger affix, n-/-an- ("subject focus" and "non-subject focus" in Abrams (1970, page 1)'s terminology, respectively).
  21. Abrams (1970, page 2) has not found many examples of an agent prefocus base taking either of the voice-changing morphemes. However, in that rare example in which an agent prefocus base does, both voice-changing morphemes transitivize the intransitive agent prefocus base. In addition, the agent trigger affix keeps the base in agent trigger voice, while the non-agent trigger affix changes the voice of the base to goal trigger voice.
  22. Without any voice-changing morphemes, goal prefocus bases take patient subjects. The agent trigger affix changes the voice of the base to agent trigger voice, allowing the base to take an agent subject. The goal trigger affix allows a goal prefocus base to take location subjects.
  23. The agent trigger affix changes the inherent instrument trigger voice of the base to agent trigger voice, whereas the non-agent trigger affix changes the voice to goal trigger voice.
  24. Taken from Bell (1976)'s examples on pages 8, 9, and 11. Glosses and translations modified for the Wikipedia article.
  25. Taken from Travis (2010)'s examples in (46) on page 42. Glosses and translations modified for the Wikipedia article.
  26. Taken from Mirikitani (1972)'s examples in (64), (95), (96), (100), (101) and (106). Glosses and translations modified for the Wikipedia article.
  27. In the examples, the word to which the accusative case marker attaches is a pronoun or portmanteau pronoun that is obligatorily present in the same clause as the noun with which it is co-referential. In sentences with an agent trigger, the pronoun co-refers with the agent subject. In sentences with a non-agent trigger, the portmanteau pronoun co-refers with both the ergative agent and the non-agent subject, which is marked with direct case.
  28. Taken from Ferreirinho (1993)'s examples in (100), (245), (246), (247) and (248). Glosses and translations modified for the Wikipedia article.
  29. The patient trigger suffix surfaces either as -on or as -∅. The choice of allomorph depends on whether or not the verb is marked with the -in- aspectual infix. When the aspectual infix is present, the -∅ allomorph surfaces.
  30. Taken from McKaughan (1962)'s examples on pages 48 and 50, and from McKaughan (1970)'s example in (4). Glosses and translations modified for the Wikipedia article.
  31. The patient trigger suffix surfaces either as -in or as -∅. The choice of allomorph depends on whether or not the verb is marked with the -in- aspectual infix. When the aspectual infix is present, the -∅ allomorph surfaces.
  32. The subject in (6a) is the nominalization of the adverbial clause in (6b).
  33. Taken from Sneddon (1970)'s examples on page 13, and from Sneddon (1975)'s example on page 66. Glosses and translations modified for the Wikipedia article.
  34. Taken from Hemmings (2016)'s examples in (39), page 270). Glosses and translations modified for the Wikipedia article.
  35. Taken from Hemmings (2016)'s examples in (189a-c), page 200. Glosses and translations modified for the Wikipedia article.
  36. Hemmings (2016) presents examples in which the subject in patient trigger voice appears before the verb, and in which the subject in agent trigger voice appears after the verb
  37. Hemmings (2016; pages 202-203).
  38. The patient trigger suffix has two allomorphs, -en and -∅. The former occurs in non-perfective contexts, whereas the latter in perfective contexts.
  39. Taken from Kroeger (2005)'s examples in (20a-c), page 405, and from Kroeger (2017)'s examples in (5), (6a) and (7). The orthography used here conforms to the orthography used in Kroeger (2017). Glosses and translations modified for the Wikipedia article.
  40. Kroeger (2017), page 5.
  41. According to Kroeger (2005; page 415, table (45)), the patient trigger suffix has two allomorphs, -on and -∅. The former occurs in non-past contexts, whereas the latter in past contexts. The locative trigger suffix does not exhibit such allomorphy, and can appear in both past and non-past contexts.
  42. According to Kroeger (2010; page 8), the instrument trigger prefix has two allomorphs, i-, and ∅-. The latter surfaces in the presence of the transitivity prefix, poN-.
  43. The sentence in this example exhibits a pseudocleft construction with a relative clause as the subject, and a WH-word as the predicate. The instrument trigger prefix selects a null operator within the relative clause. This null operator serves as the head of the relative clause, which can be interpreted as "the thing that...".
  44. The sentence in this example exhibits a pseudocleft construction with a relative clause as the subject, and a WH-word as the predicate. The locative trigger suffix selects a null operator within the relative clause. This null operator serves as the head of the relative clause, which can be interpreted as "the thing that...".
  45. Taken from Pearson (2005)'s examples in (2) and (10c). Glosses and translations modified for the Wikipedia article.
  46. Taken from van Urk (2015)'s example (2) on page 61. Glosses and translations modified for the Wikipedia article.
  47. Van Urk (2015, page 69) indicates that the circumstantial trigger suffix is attached to a stem composed of the verb and the patient trigger ("object voice" in van Urk's terminology).

References

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  • Aldridge, Edith. 2015. "A Minimalist Approach to the Emergence of Ergativity in Austronesian Languages". Linguistics Vanguard 1(1):313-326.
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  • Cauquelin, Josiane. 1991. "The Puyuma Language". Bijdragen tot de Taal-, Land- en Volkenkunde 147(1):17-60.
  • Ferreirinho, Naomi. 1993. Selected Topics in the Grammar of Limos Kalinga, the Philippines. Pacific Linguistics B-109. Canberra: Australian National University.
  • Hemmings, Charlotte. 2016. The Kelabit Language, Austronesian Voice and Syntactic Typology. PhD dissertation: SOAS, University of London.
  • Huang, Huei-ju and Shuanfan Huang. 2007. "Lexical Perspectives on Voice Constructions in Tsou". Oceanic Linguistics 46.2:424-455.
  • Kroeger, Paul R. 2005. "Kimaragang". The Austronesian languages of Asia and Madagascar. eds. K.A. Adelaar and N. Himmelmann, pp 397–428. New York: Routledge.
  • Kroeger, Paul R. 2010. "The Grammar of hitting, breaking, and cutting in Kimaragang Dusun". Oceanic Linguistics 49.1:1-20.
  • Kroeger, Paul. 2017. "Frustration, culmination, and inertia in Kimaragang grammar". Glossa: a journal of general linguistics 2(1):56, 1-29.
  • Kuo, Jonathan Cheng-Chuen. 2015. Argument Alternation and Argument Structure in Symmetrical Voice Languages: A case study of transfer verbs in Amis, Puyuma, and Seediq. PhD Dissertation: University of Hawai’i at Mānoa.
  • Lee, Wei-Wei. 2016. The Expression and Conceptualization of Time in Kavalan (Austronesian, Taiwan). MA thesis: Universiteit Leiden.
  • Li, Paul Jen-kuei. 2000. "Some Aspects of Pazeh Syntax". Oceanic Linguistics Special Publications 29:89-108.
  • Li, Paul Jen-kuei. 2002. "Nominalization in Pazih". Language and Linguistics 3.2:227-239.
  • Liu, (Adlay) Kun-Long. 2017. Syntactic Interactions with Information Structure in Squliq Atayal. PhD dissertation: Australian National University.
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  • McKaughan, Howard. 1962. "Overt Relation Markers in Maranao". Language 38.1:47-51.
  • McKaughan, H. 1970. "Topicalization in Maranao - an addendum". Pacific linguistic studies in honour of Arthur Capell. eds. S.A. Wurm, and D.C. Laycock, pp 291-300. Pacific Linguistics C-13. Canberra: Australian National University.
  • Mirikitani, Leatrice T. 1972. Kapampangan Syntax. Oceanic Linguistics Special Publication, 10. Honolulu: University of Hawai’i Press.
  • Pan, Chia-jung. 2012. A Grammar of Lha’alua, an Austronesian Language of Taiwan. PhD dissertation: James Cook University.
  • Pearson, Matt. 2005. "Voice morphology, case, and argument structure in Malagasy". Proceedings of AFLA 11. ed. P. Law, pp 229-243. Zentrum für Allgemeine Sprachwissenschaft, Berlin.
  • Ross, Malcolm and Stacy Fang-ching Teng. 2005. "Formosan Languages and Linguistic Typology". Language and Linguistics 6.4:739-781.
  • Schachter, Paul and Fé T. Otanes. 1972. Tagalog Reference Grammar. Berkeley: University of California Press.
  • Sneddon, J.N. 1970. "The languages of Minahasa, North Celebes". Oceanic Linguistics 9:11-36.
  • Sneddon, J.N. 1975. Tondano phonology and grammar. Pacific Linguistics B-38. Canberra: Australian National University.
  • Travis, Lisa. 2010. Inner Aspect: the articulation of VP. Dordrecht: Springer.
  • Tsukida, Naomi. 2012. "Goal Voice and Conveyance Voice of Seediq". Objectivization and Subjectivization: A Typology of Voice Systems. eds. W. Nakamura and R. Kikusawa, pp 77-95. Senri Ethnological Studies 77. Osaka: National Museum of Ethnology.
  • van Urk, Coppe. 2015. A uniform syntax for phrasal movement: A case study of Dinka Bor. PhD dissertation: Massachusetts Institute of Technology.
  • Zeitoun, Elizabeth. 2005. "Tsou". The Austronesian languages of Asia and Madagascar. eds. K.A. Adelaar and N. Himmelmann, pp 259-290. New York: Routledge.
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