Gheorghe A. Lăzăreanu-Lăzurică

Gheorghe A. Lăzăreanu-Lăzurică or George Lăzurică, also known as Lăzărescu-Lăzurică or Lăzărică (1892 – ?), was a leader of the Romani (Gypsy) community in Romania, also remembered for his support of Romania's interwar far-right. Originally a musician, he became active within the General Association of Gypsies in Romania, but broke away to establish the (eventually more powerful) General Union of Roma in Romania. From September 1933 to May 1934, he was also a "Voivode of the Gypsies", recognized as such by various local tribes. He and his followers came to resent ethnic designation as "Gypsies", and pleaded for their designation as "Romanies". Lăzurică also tried to introduce the term Zgripți as a reference to the people's legendary ancestors.

Though credited with inventing Romani political symbolism and noted for invoking a worldwide tribal identity, Lăzurică and his followers abstained from Romani nationalist activism, preferring to focus on social reform, and accepted some measure of integration with mainstream Romanian society. The General Union cooperated with the Romanian Orthodox Church, spreading Christianity among nomads whom it helped to settle, and competing for baptisms with the Romanian Greek Catholics. From 1933, Lăzurică blended his Romani identity with Romanian nationalism, and finally with fascism: he campaigned for the National Agrarian Party and maintained contacts with the Iron Guard, while allegedly imitating Adolf Hitler in his public persona.

Lăzurică was sidelined by the General Union in 1934, after a violent conflict during which he was forced to deny his belonging to the Romani ethnicity. He soon recanted and involved himself in other projects, with reports suggesting that he was planning a research trip to the British Raj, or that he declared himself "President" of the Romanian Romanies. He still attempted to rally support for his politics, and in 1937 became leader of the Citizens' Association of Roma in Romania. This group was more explicitly far-right and antisemitic, viewing the Romanians and Romanies as people of a "shared destiny", equally threatened by foreigners. By 1938, it was openly supporting the fascist National Christian Party, of which Lăzurică himself became a member. In the final known stages of his career, Lăzurică became a critic of Orthodoxy, reporting on its slave-owning practices and drawing suspicion that he had converted to Catholicism.

Activities

Rise to fame

Reportedly born as Gheorghe Lăzărescu in 1892,[1] the future activist belonged to the musicians' tribe of the Romani community, or Lăutari; one report of 1934 suggests that he was still an outstanding performer.[2] His other work was in literature, as a journalist, published by both Universul and Adevărul,[3] and as a poet.[4] Though he wrote in Romanian, he expressed his pride at having Romani heritage, and some time after 1930 changed his name to the hyphenated form, with Lăzurică sounding more like his Romani vernacular.[5] His life and career coincided with the earliest attempts to create a Romani political caucus. The first effort to organize the Romanies dates back to 1926, with Lazăr Naftanaila's Peasant (or "Neo-Rustic") Brotherhood, centered on Calbor.[6]

In 1933, Lăzurică and other militants, including Calinic Șerboianu and Gheorghe Nicolescu (or Niculescu), formed a General Association of Gypsies in Romania (AGȚR), which soon split into competing factions.[7] The schism is most precisely dated to September 1933.[8] As reported by ethnologist Gabriela Boangiu, this was the peak of a feud between Șerboianu and one of the AGȚR's "main leaders", Lăzurică.[9] Șerboianu continued to preside over one of these organizations, which still used the AGȚR title. Most of its membership was absorbed by Lăzurică's more competitive General Union of Roma in Romania (UGRR).[10]

As seen by Boangiu, Lăzurică was "as quaint a figure as he was important for the associationist phenomenon of the Rroma [sic] ethnicity."[11] Also known as the General Union of the Romanian Gypsies,[12] Lăzurică's group held congress on October 8 at Ileana Hall, Moșilor, Bucharest.[13] Researcher Ilona Klímová-Alexander writes that Lăzurică managed to "hijack" Șerboianu's plans, "traveling all over the country, establishing local branches and emphasizing their relationship to the centre; he also visited universities and persuaded Romani students to attend."[14] Claiming to be the first-ever assembly of the Romanies in Romania, this caucus proclaimed Lăzurică its "Voivode";[15] Șerboianu was marginalized, and his supporters, mostly based in Transylvania, were barred from attending the UGRR meeting.[13]

Circa November 1934, the UGRR reportedly organized an international congress of the Gypsies.[16][17] Held out in the open in one of Bucharest's Romani suburbs, it reportedly used the slogan "Gypsies of the World unite", calling on all nomads to "organize themselves into a race-conscious and stable community." Its organizers promised that the Romani community had entered the age of "national dignity".[16] Lăzurică was then tasked with representing the General Union at any future international meeting.[18] Both he and Șerboianu were members of the Gypsy Lore Society.[19]

Historian Viorel Achim highlights Lăzurică's debts to "romantic literature", reflected in his use of "Voivode". This had never been claimed by any Romani tribal leader in Romania, where preference had been given to lesser titles, including Bulibașa and Vătaf.[20] The same is argued by researchers Daniel Dieaconu and Silviu Costachie, who see Lăzurică as having embraced a "romantic myth" of purely Western European extraction.[21] Scholar Mihaela Mudure also notes that the usage of "Voivode" was meant to evoke a "romanticized version of Gypsy leadership" and command "feudal" loyalty from UGRR members; "democratic practices", she argues, "were very limited."[22] While the 28-member executive committee worked pro-bono, Lăzurică, as the UGRR acting president, received unconditional refunding for all his expenses.[23] Lăzurică surrounded himself with distinguished members of the community: violinist Grigoraș Dinicu assisted him as honorary chairman; historian George Potra and musician D. Panaitescu were members of the UGRR committee.[13] The Voivode also increased grassroots representation, being the first Romani leader to encourage the participation of women, who formed their own corps within the UGRR.[24]

Lăzurică claimed to be leader over 1 million Romanies, which was probably double the number of Romanies existing in Greater Romania.[25] The Voivode's legitimacy was still challenged by the other Romani groups resulting from the AGȚR schism—although, according to Mudure: "the agenda of these organizations was pretty much the same. They were interested in creating educational opportunities for the Gypsies, welfare benefits, settling down the nomadic Gypsies, and improving the image of the Gypsies in the media."[26] Klímová-Alexander also describes the two bodies as having "virtually identical" agendas,[27] while scholar Susan Williams notes that the main, and "stiking", difference between the platforms was one of vocabulary.[28] In Oltenia, a third group, headed by Aurel Manolescu-Dolj, collaborated with both national organizations in pursuing immediate objectives.[29] Manolescu-Dolj, who also styled himself "Voivode", rallied with the UGRR; his associate, Constantin S. Nicolăescu-Plopșor, published a corpus of Romani mythology for the Union's newspaper, O Ròm.[30]

Integration and nationalism

Bicolor version of the Romani flag, reportedly used by the UGRR

One of the key goals of the UGRR was convincing members and outsiders to use romi ("Romanies") over țigani ("Gypsies", from Athinganoi), which it viewed as derogatory.[31] Lăzurică himself extended the neologism to mean "freedom-loving man", rather than simply "man".[32] Generally, Lăzurică and his followers were primarily interested in cultural, spiritual, and especially social goals, which took precedence over shows of Romani nationalism; historians describe the view the UGRR as mixing social integrationism and cultural separatism.[33] Lăzurică also took distance from Romani internationalism, asking Romanian authorities to ban "foreign" Romani orchestras from performing in the country, hoping to have the trade monopolized by Lăutari.[34] The UGRR banner displayed the symbols of Romanian trades, which Lăzurică wanted protected and promoted, alongside the coat of arms of Romania; at least 36 other banners existed, each representing an UGRR affiliate group.[35] Proposals were accepted which were to create a national flag of the Romanies. Historian Ian Hancock claims that it was a horizontal bicolor, and as such a predecessor for the current Romani flag. However, this interpretation remains disputed.[36]

The UGRR's newspaper, Glasul Romilor, declared that the community would defend the Romanian state and its Kings "until death. Within our brother Roma[ni] we have never found of traitor to the State." Subsequent articles "focused on the same three overarching themes of God, King and Country".[37] In its program, the Union pledged to support the Romanian Orthodox Church against proselytizing "sects", and promised to oversee Romani processions on Dormition Feast (August 15, chosen by the UGRR as a "National Day").[38] As noted by Klímová-Alexander, the Voivode was spuriously accused by other Romanies of wanting to make his community an appendage of official Orthodoxy; in fact, he "could have used the support and resources of the Church to further [his] own mobilization goals."[39]

On February 6, 1934, Lăzurică was granted a missionary card, which he used as his ID, notably during trips to Hunedoara County in October 1934.[40] He managed to settle some nomads on land purchased by the UGRR, persuading them to undergo baptism and church marriage, also setting up a workers' co-operative and Romani-staffed schools.[41] Despite its close association with Orthodoxy, the UGRR was also routinely accused by Șerboianu of being a proxy for the Romanian Greek Catholic Church.[42] Himself suspected of being a pro-Catholic who would endorse the "Romanies' Catholicization", Șerboianu had lost Orthodox support, which allowed the UGRR manifestos to be printed in the Church's official press.[43]

Already in 1933, comments in the Western press described Lăzurică as a quasi-fascist, and an "exceptionally good impersonator" of Adolf Hitler.[16] While the program also promised that Romanies would remain "aloof from all extremist parties" and "politically non-aligned",[44] in practice the UGRR was intimately associated with the far-right fringes of Romanian nationalism, including fascists. The group's first congress was reportedly attended by 20 members of the Iron Guard.[45] Romanian Police reported on a correspondence between the Voivode and the Guard's "Captain", Corneliu Zelea Codreanu, while also noting that Lăzurică had secured support from the Police's own chief, Gavrilă Marinescu.[46] Codreanu personally promised to support the General Union,[47] and helped with isolating Șerboianu.[48] The UGRR then gave honorary membership to Codreanu and other figures on the far-right, including Nae Ionescu and Pamfil Șeicaru.[49] However, similar honors were bestowed on apolitical figures, including writers Adrian Maniu and Mihai Tican Rumano.[50]

The UGRR and its rivals were equally involved in canvassing votes for Romanian parties. Months before the general elections of 1933, Lăzurică was an electoral agent for the hard-right National Agrarian Party (PNA), instructing the Romanies to cast their vote for its candidates.[51] The AGȚR noticed such developments, accusing Lăzurică of acting as a tool of the PNA leader, Octavian Goga. In turn, Lăzurică depicted Șerboianu as an apostate of Orthodoxy, deflecting the charge of Greek Catholic proselytism toward the AGȚR itself.[52]

However, by the time of the actual vote, he himself had switched sides, opting for the more mainstream National Liberal Party, and was asking the Romanies to do the same.[53] Lăzurică was appointed to lead an UGRR delegation expressing support for Prime Minister Ion G. Duca, while also pressing him to respond favorably to the Romanies' demands.[54] At the same time, Manolescu-Dolj and his followers took a different path, and canvassed for the Georgist Liberals.[55] As read by Mudure, these strategies meant "offering to certain Romanian mainstream politicians the support of the Gypsy vote in exchange for affirmative action policies for the Gypsies."[56]

Ouster and return

Lăzurică's final work within the General Union was a massive effort to bring Transylvania's Romanies into the Orthodox church, which included reversing their Magyarization. This culminated with a mass baptism at Blaj on May 28, 1934.[57] Immediately after, on May 29[58] or May 31,[59] Lăzurică was toppled from the UGRR chairmanship and then expelled altogether. His downfall was precipitated by the spread of rumors, nominating him as a "fraud" and "Jew", and claiming that the "ex-Voivode" had defrauded a veterinary doctor.[60] Lăzurică had also recruited the brothers Gheorghe and Nicolae Nicolescu as the UGRR sponsors, but then saw them turning against him.[61] The Nicolescus engineered Lăzurică's downfall, reportedly brutalizing him until he signed a document in which he falsely denied that he was a Romani. Denying him his ethnicity was a ruse not anticipated by their rival, who had otherwise made the position of chairman intangible.[62]

Lăzurică's replacement as UGRR leader, and also as Voivode, was Gheorghe Nicolescu, who served until 1941.[63] Despite this change, the group continued to display fascist sympathies: according to one report, the 1935 Romani congress in Bucharest, presided upon by Nicolescu, was held in a hall decked with portraits of Hitler.[64] Nicolescu managed to obtain official recognition from the Romanian government, which Lăzurică had been unable to secure, and by 1939 commanded the loyalties of some 400,000 to 800,000 Romanies, grouped into 40 regional branches.[65]

Although marginalized, Lăzurică remained active in the community, often pursuing his own ideas on Romani ancestry. He invented a pseudohistorical ethnicity and ancestor of the Romani tribes, called Zgripți.[66] In August 1934, he was approached by English and American Romani associations, who asked him to join an anthropological expedition to study the people's origins on the Indian subcontinent. He reportedly accepted, claiming that such investigations would provide Romanies with a "Palestine of their own".[2][67] A year later, he declared his intention to merge the world's Romanies into a single nation, announcing that he would set up his newspaper to promote his goal. He also stated his new conviction, namely that the Romani "tribe" was of ancient Egyptian origin.[4] L'Intransigeant reporter René Benazec claimed that, in 1935, Lăzurică was already styling himself "President of the Romanies' Republic", but that this title too had been usurped by a third Romani leader, who also stole and used Lăzurică's business card.[68]

Lăzurică still supported Orthodox missionary work, and was again involved with the far-right, caucusing with the National Christian Party (PNC) and contributing to its newspaper, Țara Noastră.[69] The PNC doctrines implied that Romanies were a traditional and assimilable minority, which, unlike the Romanian Jews, posed no threat to the "Romanian bourgeoisie", and were even "useful to the Romanian nation".[70] Alongside Miron Cristea, the Patriarch of All Romania, Lăzurică also established a group called "Redemption of the Romani Men and Women in Romania". It expanded on the UGRR goals, promising protectionism for Romani traders, in preference to "foreign" ones, as well as envisaging full equality of treatment between Romanies and Romanians.[71] Lăzurică was also in a position to destabilize Nicolescu's relationship with the Church, obtaining that UGRR men be stripped of their positions as Christian missionaries.[72] Nevertheless, Nicolescu was able to win over the Church, slowly pushing it away from its endorsement of Lăzurică.[73]

In July 1937, writing for the Romani edition of Țara Noastră, Lăzurică attacked Romanian Jews, or "kikes", for being "alien to the problems and national interests of the Romanian nation, playing the communist tune"; Romanies, on the other hand, were loyal.[74] He also announced the creation of a Citizens' Association of Roma in Romania (ACRR), which he insisted was not a separate ethnic party. It immediately formed a cartel with the PNC for the local elections of that summer, being promised that every commune would have at least one Romani councilor.[75] This alliance was ridiculed by the PNC's rivals from the National Peasants' Party, but Țara Noastră defended it as a natural outcome: the Romanies and the Romanians "shaped each other through a shared destiny".[76]

This affiliation also reunited the deposed Voivode with rivals Șerboianu and Manolescu-Dolj, all of whom were accused by the UGRR of seeking to present themselves as PNC candidates in the general election of December.[77] The ACRR recruited its members in Dolj and Ialomița;[78] the former branch was under his direct supervision.[79] The UGRR press reacted against this new competitor, reviving claims that Lăzurică was a crypto-Catholic who had personally promised Pope Pius XI that he would convert Romania's Romanies.[80] In September 1937, news agencies reported that Lăzurică had been poisoned with hemlock by "Left Wing Gipsies", for being an "ardent Nazi".[81] Boangiu writes that, as the conflict between the two Voivodes was turning bitter, both figures engaged in "obvious manipulation" of the truth.[82]

Outcomes

As noted by historian Petre Matei, Lăzurică and Șerboianu, who had fully reconciled, "could pass for Romani leaders" negotiating with the their PNC counterparts, Goga and A. C. Cuza, while the UGRR remained tied to the mainstream National Liberals.[83] The PNC government, appointed after the 1937 election, imposed laws for the "Romanianization" of Romania's economy, including the ouster of "racial" minorities; the Romanies, however, were entirely spared.[84] At an ACRR rally held at Craiova on February 2, 1938, Lăzurică announced that he had joined the PNC and, again, that he supported its antisemitic doctrines.[85] He described Romania as invaded by Jewish "lice", and praised the PNC leadership for clamping down on the "kikes' newspapers".[86]

Soon after, the activities of all Romani groups were curtailed by the imposition of an authoritarian Constitution and of a single-party rule by the National Renaissance Front (FRN).[87] Nevertheless, the UGRR was still tolerated, the regime having concluded that it "did not do anything which threatened the security of the state".[88] Its entire leadership, Nicolescu included, joined the Front as early as March 1938.[89] The authoritarian drive pushed Lăzurică away from Patriarch Cristea, who had been appointed Prime Minister after the PNC's recall. Both he and Șerboianu came to display their Catholic sympathies. In one such show of support for Catholicism, Lăzurică abandoned references to the Dormition as a Romani holiday, and proclaimed the Feast of Saints Peter and Paul as the new date of reference.[90]

With articles in Țara Noastră and in Manolescu-Dolj's Craiova newspaper, Timpul, Lăzurică endorsed claims that Orthodoxy was a traditional persecutor of the Zgripți and Romani people, which it had kept as church slaves.[91] Cristea reacted by having Lăzurică removed from the ranks of its missionaries, citing concerns that he had converted. Lăzurică informed his readers that he handed in his card myself, and that he felt "sickened" by the affair.[92] The FRN's one measure against any Romanies was taken in December 1939, when nomads were forced to submit to inspections by public health officials.[93] As late as July 1940, Orthodox dignitaries still complained to the authorities about Lăzurică and the ACRR having "insulted the Church". Their reports were most likely anachronistic, as neither the group nor its leader were still active by then.[94]

Although it banned all Romani organizations, the National Legionary State, established by the Iron Guard that September, remained generally tolerant of the Romanies as a group. However, the influence of Nazi Germany and scientific racism began seeping into its official propaganda.[95] The subsequent period saw the emergence of a strong anti-Romanyism in Romanian society, and the degeneration of relations between Romani activists and the Romanian far-right. Shortly after his clash with the Iron Guard, dictator Ion Antonescu singled out the Romanies as fundamentally anti-social.[96] According to Mudure, Lăzurică's activities, and the impact they had on Romani visibility, had unwittingly contributed to this conceptualization of a "Gypsy problem".[97] This discourse was eventually adopted by the Antonescu regime, and produced the deportation of over 20,000 Romanies into the Transnistria Governorate.[98] Following Antonescu's toppling in August 1944, the UGRR was reestablished, with Nicolescu as its leader, but survived for less than five years. In 1949, the new communist regime banned it, as part of a process which ended in its refusal to recognize Romanies as a distinct minority.[99]

Notes

  1. ↑ Williams, p. 23
  2. 1 2 Michel Condrus, "Une mission va rechercher aux Indes les orgines de la race tzigane", in Le Journal, August 27, 1934, p. 4
  3. ↑ Williams, p. 23
  4. 1 2 "Cigansko Ljudstvo je iz dobe faraonov", in Glas Naroda, Issue 158/1936, p. 3
  5. ↑ Williams, p. 23
  6. ↑ Achim, p. 154; Dieaconu & Costachie, p. 184; Klímová-Alexander, pp. 168–169, 201; Williams, p. 23
  7. ↑ Boangiu, pp. 712–713; Klímová-Alexander, p. 169; Mudure, p. 64; Oprescu, p. 32
  8. ↑ Klímová-Alexander, pp. 169, 201
  9. ↑ Boangiu, pp. 712–713
  10. ↑ Klímová-Alexander, p. 204
  11. ↑ Boangiu, pp. 712
  12. ↑ Mudure, pp. 64–65
  13. 1 2 3 "Și țiganii își au asociația lor. —În loc de una însă au două, dar nu se pot înțelege împreună", in Unirea Poporului, Issue 40/1933, p. 7
  14. ↑ Klímová-Alexander, p. 169
  15. ↑ Achim, p. 155; Klímová-Alexander, p. 169; Mudure, pp. 64–65
  16. 1 2 3 "Unique Congress of Gypsies Urges All Nomads to Unite", in The Laredo Times, November 19, 1933, p. 2
  17. ↑ Klímová-Alexander, pp. 172–173, 203–204; Mudure, p. 65
  18. ↑ Klímová-Alexander, p. 173
  19. ↑ Klímová-Alexander, pp. 203–204; Williams, pp. 23, 25–26
  20. ↑ Achim, pp. 157–158
  21. ↑ Dieaconu & Costachie, p. 184
  22. ↑ Mudure, p. 65
  23. ↑ Klímová-Alexander, p. 169
  24. ↑ Klímová-Alexander, pp. 170, 202
  25. ↑ Dieaconu & Costachie, p. 181
  26. ↑ Mudure, p. 65
  27. ↑ Klímová-Alexander, p. 171
  28. ↑ Williams, p. 23
  29. ↑ Achim, pp. 156–157; Klímová-Alexander, p. 174; Mudure, p. 65
  30. ↑ Achim, pp. 156–157; Boangiu, pp. 713–715; Dieaconu & Costachie, pp. 185; Klímová-Alexander, p. 174
  31. ↑ Dieaconu & Costachie, p. 184; Klímová-Alexander, pp. 170, 202; Williams, p. 23
  32. ↑ Dieaconu & Costachie, p. 184
  33. ↑ Achim, pp. 156–157; Klímová-Alexander, pp. 171, 176–177; Williams, pp. 23–26
  34. ↑ Dieaconu & Costachie, p. 182
  35. ↑ Klímová-Alexander, pp. 170, 202
  36. ↑ Klímová-Alexander, pp. 172, 202
  37. ↑ Williams, p. 25
  38. ↑ Klímová-Alexander, pp. 169–170, 176; Matei (2010), p. 171
  39. ↑ Klímová-Alexander, p. 176
  40. ↑ Matei (2010), pp. 165–166, 169
  41. ↑ Klímová-Alexander, pp. 171–172; Williams, pp. 24–25. See also Achim, p. 156
  42. ↑ Klímová-Alexander, pp. 176, 201
  43. ↑ Matei (2010), pp. 162–164
  44. ↑ Klímová-Alexander, pp. 170–171, 202
  45. ↑ Oprescu, p. 33; Matei (2010), p. 165; Williams, p. 24
  46. ↑ Dieaconu & Costachie, pp. 184–185
  47. ↑ Matei (2011), p. 31
  48. ↑ Varga, p. 631
  49. ↑ Oprescu, p. 33. See also Matei (2011), p. 31; Williams, p. 24
  50. ↑ Williams, p. 24
  51. ↑ Oprescu, pp. 32–33; Varga, pp. 631, 632
  52. ↑ Varga, p. 631
  53. ↑ Klímová-Alexander, pp. 202–203; Oprescu, p. 33; Varga, p. 632
  54. ↑ Klímová-Alexander, p. 203
  55. ↑ Achim, p. 158; Dieaconu & Costachie, p. 185
  56. ↑ Mudure, p. 65
  57. ↑ Matei (2010), p. 166
  58. ↑ Boangiu, p. 713; Dieaconu & Costachie, pp. 184, 185
  59. ↑ Matei (2010), p. 167
  60. ↑ Klímová-Alexander, pp. 204–205
  61. ↑ Matei (2010), pp. 166–167
  62. ↑ Matei (2010), p. 167
  63. ↑ Achim, pp. 155–156; Klímová-Alexander, pp. 172, 173, 174, 204–205
  64. ↑ Nicholas Saul, Gypsies and Orientalism in German Literature and Anthropology of the Long Nineteenth Century, p. 161. London: Legenda (Modern Humanities Association), 2007. ISBN 978-1-900755-88-7
  65. ↑ Achim, p. 156; Dieaconu & Costachie, pp. 181, 186; Klímová-Alexander, p. 173. See also Boangiu, pp. 712–713; Matei (2010), p. 162; Varga, p. 633
  66. ↑ Matei (2010), p. 172
  67. ↑ "Ali dobe cigani svojo Palestino?", in Slovenski Narod, Issue 221/1934, p. 5
  68. ↑ René Benazec, "Chez les pharaons des grands chemins. Les vrais Tziganes. VI. – Trois présidents pour un roi", in L'Intransigeant, April 19, 1935, p. 2
  69. ↑ Achim, pp. 158–159; Dieaconu & Costachie, p. 185; Klímová-Alexander, pp. 175, 201, 203; Matei (2011), pp. 31–34
  70. ↑ Matei (2011), pp. 31–35
  71. ↑ Klímová-Alexander, pp. 174–175
  72. ↑ Varga, p. 633. See also Matei (2010), p. 169
  73. ↑ Matei (2010), pp. 168–170
  74. ↑ Matei (2011), p. 33
  75. ↑ Matei (2011), pp. 33–34
  76. ↑ Matei (2011), pp. 34–35
  77. ↑ Achim, pp. 158–159; Dieaconu & Costachie, pp. 185–186
  78. ↑ Klímová-Alexander, pp. 175, 201
  79. ↑ Dieaconu & Costachie, p. 186
  80. ↑ Klímová-Alexander, p. 201
  81. ↑ "Hemlock in Wine. Gipsy 'Prince' Poisoned", in The Age, September 3, 1937, p. 12
  82. ↑ Boangiu, p. 713
  83. ↑ Matei (2010), p. 171
  84. ↑ Achim, p. 163
  85. ↑ Dieaconu & Costachie, p. 186; Oprescu, p. 33; Varga, pp. 633–634
  86. ↑ Oprescu, p. 33; Varga, pp. 633–634
  87. ↑ Achim, p. 156; Klímová-Alexander, p. 173
  88. ↑ Klímová-Alexander, p. 205
  89. ↑ Dieaconu & Costachie, p. 186
  90. ↑ Matei (2010), pp. 171–172
  91. ↑ Matei (2010), pp. 171–172
  92. ↑ Matei (2010), p. 172
  93. ↑ Oprescu, p. 33; Varga, pp. 634–635
  94. ↑ Matei (2010), p. 172
  95. ↑ Achim, pp. 166–167
  96. ↑ Achim, p. 168
  97. ↑ Mudure, p. 65
  98. ↑ Achim, pp. 167–185; Mudure, pp. 65–66; Varga, pp. 635–641
  99. ↑ Achim, pp. 189–190

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