Nyangwara people
The Nyangwara are an ethnic group numbering between 25,000 and 30,000 people living in the South Sudan in the state of Central Equatoria.[1] They are part of Karo people (East Africa) which also includes Bari, Mundari, Kakwa, Kuku and Pojulu tribes. They speak Kutuk na Nyangwara.
Nyangwara
The term Nyangwara or Yangwara which means “horns” refers to both people and an ethnic group. The Nyangwara is one of the ethnic group in South Sudan. They are part of the Bari-speaking ethnic groups including Pojulu, Bari, Kuku, Kakwa, and Mundari, of Central Equatoria State in South Sudan. They speak the Bari language spoken by other Bari-speaking groups noted above. The Bari language is said to be part of the “Bari-Masai sub-group of the Nilot-Hamitic” language group. The language is “predominantly Hamitic, [for] it has grammatical gender and plurality. Further, the Nilotic element in the language is to be found solely in word roots and not in sentence construction. These roots, mostly territorial (consonant, vowel, consonant) are common to Bari and the neighboring Nilotic languages (especially Dinka and Acholi).”
The Nyangwara inhabit an area west of Juba, the capital of South Sudan. Administratively, the Nyangwara homeland is one of the Payams (districts) of Juba County, in Central Equatoria State. The population of the Nyangwara is estimated to be 46.490 people. Other estimates put the figure between 25.000 and 30.000 people. According to Franz Morlang, a British traveller who visited the southern region of Sudan in 1859, the "Nyangwara (also Yangwara, Yangbara, and Yambara) is a name given by the Bari to the country laying to the west of the Kerek and Kunufi mountains, as far as the Yei River, [in Yei County]." They are predominantly agriculturalists; and although they used to keep cattle, the prevalence of tes-tes flies in the area led the Nyangwara to loss their cattle. Over centuries the Nyangwara people and society underwent several changes resulting from civil wars, displacement, and internal, regional, and international migration. With their exposure to urban life, Islam and Christian religions, cash economy, western education, and British colonialism in Sudan, many of the Nyangwara’s sociocultural practices and political systems are either altered or changed to meet the changing lifestyles and socio-economic realities in South Sudan.
Geographical Location and Wildlife
As noted in the introduction, the Nyangwara homeland is located in the western bank of the Nile River, about 18 kilometres west of Juba, in Central Equatoria State. The Nyangwara homeland is bordered in the west by the Muru ethnic group, in the north by the Mundari of Tali, in the south by the Pojulu and in the east by the Bari ethnic group. As explained by Franz Morlang, the area of the Nyangwara is "equivalent to one and half degrees both in length and in breadth, with high mountains on the eastern and western sides". He further noted that the Nyangwara area has many “seasonal streams and rivulets flowing towards the Yei River.” Intermarriage between the Nyangwara and their neighbours was and still is common especially with the Muru, Mundari and Pojulu. The Nyangwara homeland falls within the jurisdiction of Juba County. It consists of three (3) Payams (Districts) of Rokon, Dollo, and Tijor; inclusive of thirteen (13) Payams of Juba County. The three Payams are further divided into nineteen (19) Bomas (Sub-districts).
In the past, the Nyangwara territory includes Wonduruba, Miri, Rokon and Tijor areas. However, in 2011, the people of Tijor relinquished the Nyangwara identification and adopted a new identify of ‘Pojulu of Tijor of ‘Pojulu ti Tijor.’ Thus, currently, the name Nyangwara only applies to the people of Dollo and Rokon Payams. However, administratively, the people of Tijor and the Nyangwara continue to coexist in one geographical area governed by one association known as Juba West Community Association (JWCA). JWCA was formed in 2011 to oversee the general affairs of the area. As far as the people of Wonduruba are concerned, they are Pojulu in ethnicity. Their area was annexed to the Rokon B court during the British colonial rule in Sudan (1896-1955). Following the signing of the CPA and the subsequent political independence of South Sudan in 2011, Wonduruba is transformed into a separate Payam.
The Nyangwara territory was/is also, known for its richness in wild life and other edible floras. As noted by Morlang, there is an abundance of edible plants and that nearly every shrub has its own edible fruit of different flavour. Some of the wild animals found in the area including elephants, Gazelles, leopards, lions, buffaloes and other small animals and birds. However, with changes in the climate, the consequences of the 21-year civil war, and increased urbanization, the wildlife might be negatively affected.
Social Organization
Like the other Bari-speaking groups, the Nyangwara are divided into three major social groupings, based on territorial locations. These include: the Nyangwara of Rokon, Dollo or Miri, and Tijor who later adopted the name of “Pojulu of Tijor” explained above. The Nyangwara of Rokon and Dollo sometimes identify themselves with two of their prominent chiefs namely Soro Kenyi and Kirri Fataki respectively. In the late 1980s through the 1990s, for instance, the Nyangwara came to be identified with their contemporary chiefs, namely, Chief John Kennedy Nymaya (Loyo) and Joseph Kiri Fataki (Loki’do) respectively. Loyo, Loki’do and Bate were influential, in addressing the plight of the Nyangwara people when they were displaced from their homeland by the SPLA in early 1990s; and were settled in IDPs camps in the outskirts of Juba. They stood firm in protecting the rights and dignity of their people from discrimination, and oppressive practices of Sudan government’s authorities in Juba during the 21-year civil war period. Similarly, the three chiefs succeeded in ending inter-clan fights that existed between different clans of the Nyangwara through effective administration of the law in their respective customary courts they preside.
Descent System
The Nyangwara society is a non-centralized society and its people follow patrilineal descent lines, whereby descent is traced through the father’s line. The society is made up of several clans called "Kotumitan" sing. "Kotumit" in Bari language. Each clan or Kotumit has a name and a territory. Each clan is headed by a headman locally referred to as "Mukungu." The Mukungu is elected by the people of his territory/clan. He is therefore, responsible for his people. He maintains law and order with the support of male elders of the community. He also represents the interests of his people in the higher political organisation or the village council which is headed by a chief or “Matat.”
In regards to the number of Nyangwara clans, it is not clearly documented. However, some of the clans identified during interviews and informal conversations with members of the Nyangwara communities in Cairo Egypt, Northern Uganda, and Yei from 1996-1997, include the following:
Rokon clans include: Wurjang (also known as the Bodongoro), Rokon, Sereng, Burra which is divided into three sub-clans of Burra na Kiden, Burra Gug'uti and Burra na Loku; the Nyangwara (or the Layi), ‘Gurung'ba, Gimora, and Loyika, among others. Dollo clans include: Soro, Jum'bga, Guru, Remo, Kiro, Tulyang, Mile, Liggi, Tombe, Magiri, Burra, Adala 'Bologa, Loki'do, Pirisa, Miri and Buranga.
The Village Setting
The organization of the village in the Nyangwara land is similar to that of other Bari-speakers. A village is often spread over a sizable extend of land. It consists of a number of households belonging to the village dwellers. Within each household are a number of huts varying in sizes and shapes which were/are used by members of the household. In addition to the residential huts, is a granary or gugu used for storing imperishable food items such grain, maize, Sesame seeds, ground nuts, etc. A goat-house or kadi or goro na yidin, and a chicken-house or kadi or goro na sokoro are part of the homestead as well. Adjacent to each household is a farmland for cultivation of food crops for subsistence. The inhabitants of a household often include a husband, wife/wives, children, grandparents, and other relatives. As a patriarchal society, each household is headed by a male or the patriarch of the family.
Political Organisation or Chieftaincy "Tumatyan"
Like the social organization, chieftaincy among the Nyagwara is non-centralized. The largest political unit among Nyangwara might be a group of people united with one another by ties of kinship or descent group. Descent groups are large configurations which link together many families. Similar to other non-centralized societies in South Sudan, the Nyangwara political organisation consists of independent groups of clans or kotumitan, sing. Kotumit. The clan or kotumit is the basis of Nyangwara social and political organisation. As indicated earlier each clan has a clan head or "mukungu". These heads come under the authority of a chief or "matat". The office of the chief which is based in one ruling clan is hereditary. However, the hereditary nature of the chieftaincy was altered during the British colonial rule in Sudan, when the British replaced some local chiefs, particularly those who resisted colonial policies, with British appointed ‘native chiefs;’ who collaborated with the colonial administration.
Marata Ja'be from the Wurjang clan, who was interviewed in mid-July 1997, explained the shift in chieftaincy from the Wurjang clan to the Rokon clan that took place during the colonial period as follows:
At first the chieftaincy was in the Wurjang clan or kotumit under the leadership of Chief Petero Wala. Then the chieftaincy shifted from the Wurjang clan to that of Rokon at the time when Captain James Cook of Great Britain was the colonial administrator of Juba, southern Sudan. [This happened during the early years of British colonial rule in Sudan, between late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries.] This shift happened when the Commissioner visited the Nyangwara village and found that Chief Petero Wala was not at home. He went to the bush to hunt elephants. At that time Cook decided to appoint Kenyi Bilal of the Rokon clan as chief or matat. When Chief Petero Wala returned from hunting he found that he had been replaced by Kenyi Bilal. From that time Petero Wala became angry with the Rokon clan. This shift in chieftaincy or tumantyan has created tension and conflict between the two clans. However, what makes the situation to be tolerated is due to the fact that the mother of the newly appointed chief Kenyi Bilal is from the wurjang clan. Since that time until today, the Rokon clan consider the Wurjang people as their great grand-fathers because of their grand-mother – Kenyi Bilal’s mother. As a result there is no intermarriage between the two clans because people from the two groups consider themselves related by blood. Therefore, since that shift, the chieftaincy had remain in the Rokon clan up to the present time.
Political Hierarchy and duties of the Chief
In term of political hierarchy, the highest political structure at the village level was/is a council of elders, who are mainly men. The council of elders include individuals who head and represent the different clans or Kotumitan in the village. They assist the chief in carrying out his duties. As noted above, the chief normally appoints his successor, usually his elder son. However, if he fails to do so, the choice which is within the accepted hereditary limits, rest with the council of elders. The council of elders also enforces law and order, moral values and the important of rituals performance within the village.
Duties of the chief and his council of elders include settling of disputes between clans and among people of the same clan and other social problems, and offenses. For instance, to settle disputes brought forward by a community member, the council will hold open air meeting(s) in customary courts – often under a big tree at the center of the village or in a structure build for that purpose, prevalent in urban areas. Members of the community are also allowed to attend these meetings. The aggrieved will present his/her case to the council of elders and it will be debated. After all the issues and concerns of the defendant and plaintive are extensively discussed, the council of elders retreats to a separate meeting area to consider all the views presented and to reach a decision, usually by consensus.
Administration of Law
Like other ethnic groups of South Sudan, law among the Nyangwara is seen as an instrument of peace-keeping and peace-making through negotiation, compromise and reconciliation. The punishment of the wrong doer is not always emphasized except in serious offence like murder.
For example, issues of contention between husband and wife or wives, between parents and children, or between neighbors, were/are settled through reconciliation and negotiation to allow for the restoration of peace and harmony. Issues of land and other types of property were settled through adjudication, by those who are experts in this field and by the appropriate authorities. Although the duties of the chief and the composition of the council of elders remain the same, some changes happened during the colonial period, as many chiefs were brought under the colonial administration in the Equatoria region. Today, the administrative and legal system in South Sudan is characterized by plurality whereby, customary courts co-exist with other forms of legal systems. For instance, article 123 (a-d) of the Transitional Constitution of South Sudan outlines the structure of the judiciary in South Sudan as consisting of “a) the Supreme Court, b) Courts of Appeal, c) High Courts, d) County Courts and d) other courts and tribunals as deemed necessary to be established in accordance with the provisions of [the] constitution and the law.” Consequently, there are nineteen (19) “A” Courts and three (3) “B” Courts in the three Payams of the Nyangwara.
Family and Marriage Institutions
The family is one of the most important institutions among the Nyangwara. It is the primary unit of production and reproduction. Women, men, and children and other relatives occupy different positions within the family. For example, women as – daughters, wives and mothers, and children occupy subordinate position in relation to the man who is regarded as head of the family. The family also plays an important role in the socialization of children from childhood to adulthood. Different forms of family exist among the Nyangwara. The two most common forms of families include extended and nuclear families. The former include a wide range of relatives, such as grandparents, parents, children, brothers and sisters, cousins, aunts and other relatives. Even when these people do not all live in the same household or compound, the sense of communal responsibility, obligation, and authority is wide-ranging and strongly felt and encouraged. The latter form of family consists mainly of father, mother and children, sometimes grandparents and close relatives, prevalent in urban areas. Due to the consequences of civil wars, displacement, migration, and rapid urbanization in South Sudan, there is also an increase in the number female headed households, not only in the homeland, but in the diaspora as well.
Marriage
Marriage, understood in its heterosexual sense, is an important institution among the Nyangwara, and it is through marriage that a family is created. Marriage was and still is an alliance not between individuals, but between two kin or lineage groups. The exchange of women as wives between two groups often symbolizes political as well as economic linkage. Marriage is regarded as a bond that is essential for sexual satisfaction, progression into womanhood and manhood, establishing relationships between families and kin groups, and growth of the family. Thus, marriage in this context legitimizes sexual relations.
Marriage among the Nyangwara is regulated by clan exogamy and by kinship. As such marriage of relatives or cousins from both sides of parents is not allowed. Relationship can be traced up to the fifth or eighth generation. A man for example, may not marry a woman related to his forth grand parents. In other words, he may not marry any woman with whom relationship can be traced through either parent. Marriages which break these rules can be regulated by cutting a goat length wise, a practice shared by the Bari and Pojulu. The slaughter and cutting of the goat length wise symbolizes the end of kinship relationship between the two families. Marriage is marked by the transfer of bridewealth from the bride-groom’s clan/family to that of the bride. Depending on the clans involved, bridwealth consist of specific number of goats, iron tipped tools such as hoes, spears, arrows, and iron bar(s) or pindata sing. Cash and luxury goods are now part of bridwealth as well. Payment of bridewealth is seen as compensation to the girl’s family; a return to parents/guardians for the expense they have incurred in the woman’s rearing; the seal of a contract by which the woman is to become the mother of the man’s children and a guarantee of good treatment. As a patriarchal society, bridewealth among the Nyangwara also gives a man legal rights over children resulting from the marriage and gives him the right to custody upon divorce. Similarly, bridewealth gives a man legal right, over a woman’s body and domestic services. Because of this legal right assumed by men, adultery is not tolerated especially by the husband and members of his lineage.
Forms of Marriage
Polygamous and monogamous marriages exist among the Nyangwara. Generally, polygamy was and still is widely practiced by the Nyangwara. It is the practice whereby a man can marry more than one wife. Among the Nyangwara and other ethnic groups in South Sudan, a man may marry several wives as long as he could ‘maintain them well’. Several reasons can be attributed to the prevalent of polygamy among the Nyangwara. Polygamy is usually regarded as a way of displaying ones wealth and power. A chief or any rich and powerful man, for instance, may have several wives who will share the household tasks and provide him with children. Another reason for the practice of polygamy is, if the first wife is barren, the husband might decide to marry another wife to procreate, while maintaining the first wife. In this context, failure to bear children is located in the woman’s body, and not the man. Like other Bari-speaking groups, the Nyangwara traditions do not specify the number of women that a man could marry. This explains the fact that some Nyanwara men had married as many as six or more wives during their lifetime.
Monogamous marriage is also common among the Nyamgwara. This form of marriage became more prevalent with the introduction of Christianity during the colonial period. Also, the changing economic conditions in South Sudan which makes it difficult to maintain several wives and large family, forced some men to marry one wife. In recent years, particularly due to civil wars, displacement and economic hardships, many Nyangwara men also find it difficult to sustain several wives. Those who settled in countries such as the United States, Canada, Australia, and other Western European countries, are further constrained by restrictive laws governing marriage and family in those countries; laws that do not allow the practice of polygamy.
Worth noting is the fact that divorce is not encouraged among the Nyangwara especially when children are involved. Any dispute between a husband and a wife is often addressed within the family. For instance, any dispute between couples is first communicated to elders of both families concerned, who will try to settle the problem so the two continue to live together. The main concern is to preserve the marriage and maintain the social bond, and to avoid tension and enmity between the two families and/or clans involved. However, as a result of war, displacement, difficult living condition, and the existence of a non-customary legal system many people who experienced difficulties in their marriages had sought divorce through the legal system with out even consulting their families.
Institution of widow inheritance “Ruta”
The institution of widow inheritance exists among the Nyangwara. This practice, also known as the levirate, could entail conjugal rights, but could also mean only the assumption of economic responsibility for the widow and her children. For instance, if a woman is widowed she can be inherited by one of her husband's brothers or by a close relative in case of the absence of brothers. Children born out of this relations are regarded the children of the deceased man. In a situation whereby the woman decides not to be inherited and/or opt to remarry another man from out side the decease husband's clan; the new husband-to-be might have to pay the bride wealth to the deceased husband's family. Some women sometimes retain the right not to remarry and/or to be inherited. Often older widows with adult grown up children, or some young widows might refuse to be inherited but remain in the family to look after her children. Such a decision might also cause minor misunderstanding between the woman and her husband's brother(s) or a relative who is interested in inheriting her. Overall, although the institution of widow inheritance exist among the Nyangwara, women often have the final decision whether to be inherited, remarry into a different clan, or stay in her deceased husband’s family to care for her children.
Children
Children are very important in any marital relationship. A woman is expected to become pregnant immediately after marriage. A woman’s failure to become pregnant within few months is a cause of concern not only for the woman, but the husband as well. Some men might consider marrying a second wife, or engage in extra-marital affairs with an aim of having a child. Also, to avoid pressure from his parents, relatives, and friends, some men might consider marring a second wife. It is important to note that failure to procreate is often seen as a woman’s problem until proven otherwise. Thus, a woman is often encouraged to seek medical treatment to address any health and reproductive problem. A woman often gain status and respect from her in-laws, and society when she becomes a mother. Thus, it can also be argued that marriage and having children is very important for women among the Nyangwara. However, this does not mean that women who fail to bear children are not respected or do not have status. On the contrary, such women are often respected and valued by her family and society at large. For instance, through her industriousness, her social and material support to her parents’ family, clan and other relatives who might rely on her for their survival and wellbeing, women gain respect and status. Although both sexes are accepted and valued, however, preference is often given to male children. It is common to hear some married women (and men) who had given birth to daughters only, wish to have a son, or complain that God is not blessing her with male children. Perhaps, the preference for male children stem from the patriarchal understanding that since female children are often married to other clans; a male child is needed, to become the hire and continue the family line following the passing of the family patriarch.
Position of women in Society
In a patriarchal society such as the Nyangwara, women occupy subordinate position in both the family and the society. For example, in areas of political power, decision making, property ownership and other familial and social events such as ritual performance, marriage discussions, and so on, women occupy lower position as compared to men. Despite their subordinate position within the family and society in relation to men, a woman is respected as a mother and manager of the family affairs. Thus motherhood is often very important for a woman. Through motherhood a woman gains status within the family. At old age a woman gain powerful position as ritual performer, Traditional Birth Attendant (TBA), spiritual expert, and healer. They also become more involved in decision making roles within the family, and society at large. In contemporary South Sudan, attainment of formal education, participation in public and private affairs of the country as politicians, civil servants, business owner, religious leaders, etc., women are increasingly making strides in many fronts, and are gradually changing their subordinate positions.
Gendered Division of Labor
Like other Bari-speaking groups, the division of labor among the Nyagwara is gendered. Work that is performed within the household, is considered women’s work, while work performed outside the household is considered men’s. These gendered roles are inculcated in people’s perceptions since childhood through the socialization process. For instance, girls are encouraged to learn the domestic roles of caring and nurturing, while boys are geared toward public roles. When girls and boys become adults each knows which role he/she has to perform. The home, school, and other social institutions, play a great role in the socialization process. The gendered division of work places heavy burden on women. Tasks related to food production, child rearing and household work such as food preparation, cleaning, fetching firewood and water, caring for the sick and elderly are considered women's work. In addition to their household responsibilities women also work in the fields – they hoe, weed, harvest and transport the crops, particularly in rural areas. Men on the other hand help in the clearing of large trees and grass from agricultural land, building of houses, hunting and herding of goats. Men are also responsible for disciplining children, especially male children, and are regarded a head and protector of the family and the society from outside enemy. However, with rapid urbanization taking place in South Sudan, many Nyangwara people are increasing migrating to cities, and both men and women are now engaged in wage earning jobs to sustain themselves and their families. Similarly, some Nyangwara women are now heading households and taking care of vulnerable members of their extended families.
Selected Socio-cultural Practices
Dress Code
The ‘modern’ code of dress such as skirts, blouses, and dresses [for women] and trousers, shorts and shirts [for men] is introduced to the Nyangwara people when they came into contact with the British colonialists, Muslim communities from northern Sudan, as well as the linkages created between the Nyangwara homeland and Juba city as early as the late nineteenth through the twentieth centuries. As indicated earlier, after selling honey, cassava flour, and other trade items in Juba, the income earned is then used for buying cloth, salt, and other necessities not available in the village. However, in precolonial period the Nyangwara people rely on natural material found in the surrounding environment to make their apparels. Women for example, wear nyalot and 'beleng (i.e. leaves of a tree with soft touch found in the Nyangwara area) to cover the private parts of the body. These leaves are held together by weaved rope tied around the waist and worn as loincloth. 'Beleng are usually worn by young women, during special occasions like marriage ceremonies and other social celebrations. Women also wear colourful beads around the waist to make their attire more fashionable. Men usually wear loincloth, which can be either a piece of fabric or leather material. However, in contemporary South Sudan, the Nyamgwara people adopted variety of “modern” and fashionable attire mentioned above, common in South Sudan, other neighbouring African countries and globally.
Bodily Decoration
Both men and women also tattoo their bodies. Women’s bodily decoration includes tattooing their forehead, arms, face, and abdomen, particularly the areas around the belly-button, and between the breasts; lower lip, nose, and ear piercing, are forms of bodily decoration, or ethnic markings. According to Morlang "the girls perforate their lips and insert pieces of wood, durra stalks, or stones cut in cylindrical form,....Tattooing usually consists of incisions radiating from between the eyebrows to the sides of the forehead. Like the Mundari and the Dinka, Nyangwara men and women also used to extra four of their lower teeth. Tattooing, lower teeth extraction, body piercing, and other bodily marks are performed as a rite of passages from childhood to young adults. However, with the exposure of the Nyangwara people to formal education, and interaction with other cultures city lifestyle, as well as aware of the health risks involved, some of the cultural practices, except for ear piercing, are generally abandoned.
Art, Dance and Music Art
Various art forms of exist among the Nyangwara. Iron smelting, pottery, basket and mat weaving are some of the craft made by the Nyangwara people. Pottery, basket and mat weaving are dominated by women. Mainly clay pots of different sizes and shapes are produced and are used for different purposes. For example, large pots are often used to carry and store drinking water, and making of local or home-made beer or "yawa," while the small ones are used for cooking. Calabashes of different sizes are decorated for household use as well. Iron smelting is the work of the blacksmith locally referred to as "tomonok, sing. tumunit". Most of the blacksmiths are believed to be Bari migrants who settled in the Nyangwara area. Blacksmith produce iron-tipped tools that are used by the Nyangwara include spear bow, arrows, and axes, knifes of different sizes, and hoes used for farming and hunting. In present-day South Sudan, Nyangwara and other Bari-speaking blacksmiths opened shops in some Markets in Juba, such as the Konyokonyo market, and are producing variety of household utensils such as cooking pots, frying pans, spoons of different sizes, etc. which are sold in the market. The occupation of the blacksmith is hereditary within a given family, and is passed down from one generation to another.
Dance and Music
As far as dance and music are concerned, the Nyangwara are known for their dance and composition of songs. As noted by Morlang, love for music, dancing and singing is one of the main characteristics of the Nyangwara. People usually dance during funerals and other ceremonies such as marriage, Christmas, and beginning of the New Year There are three types of songs, which include: songs of praise, death and funeral songs and mockery songs. Songs of praise include love songs by either a man expressing his love to a woman or by a woman to a man. Also songs are sang for praising a clan, or some of the clan’s members or a leader for his good work and social standing within the society. Death and funeral songs are usually sang and performed during funerals. Mockery songs are those which point out in an indirect way unacceptable acts or behaviour of an individual or a clan. Mockery songs are usually the cause of fight between different clans during celebrations which bring together people from different clans. The Nyangwara are also known for making or constructing different kinds of musical instruments. During dance performance drums of different sizes and shapes are used simultaneously together with other instruments to create different rhythms. Some of the drums and instruments include "kengere" (big drum), "ki'deng" (small drum) and "kole ko pindatat" (a hoe and an iron bar). Other musical instruments include kili’ba that is, flute, or trumpet carved out of single animal horn hollowed out.
Belief System
Like other Bari-speaking ethnic groups, the core of the Nyanqwara indigenous religious beliefs was ritual venerations offerings and sacrifices. Their religious beliefs are both monotheistic, that is, believe in a single Supreme Being or ‘Ngun,’ and polytheistic or believe in spirits, "muloko" (sing. Mulokotyo). Muloko is a word for spirits or souls and commonly applied to the spirits of dead ancestors – ancestral spirits. In other words, ancestors’ spirits are spirits of the deceased mothers and fathers, and grandparents who are recognized in a special ceremony, held usually a year after they have died. Ancestral spirits concerned themselves only with their descendants, blessing or punishing them for observing or neglecting custom. The ancestors’ spirits are believed to be closest to both their living descendants and to the Supreme Being and are thus most qualified to function as intermediaries.
Ancestral Spirits and Misfortunes
As family elders ancestral spirits must be respected by the living. If the muloko are neglected they have the potential to cause misfortunes such as sickness or death in a family, in order to attract attention to the fact that they have been ignored. As a result, if the living took a good care of the ancestral spirits, by offering sacrifices to them and performing the necessary rituals, they might avert any sickness and ensure good health and harvest. However, if the muloko are neglected, it is believed that they can cause misfortunes such as sickness or death in a family. The purpose is to attract attention to the fact that they have been ignored. In a situation that a misfortune occurs, a ritual is usually performed to appease the ancestral spirit. In an event that, a particular mulokotyo is not identified, a "bunit" that is, medicine man or woman is consulted to identify the "mulokotyo" of the harming ancestor. Once known, and depending on the severity of the misfortune, a ritual is performed by either sacrificing a goat (for a major misfortune) or a chicken (for a minor misfortune). The sacrifice is mainly intended to minimize anger of the "muloko" and to bring good fortune and good health to the family.
