CIA activities in Iran

There are many claims that the U.S. Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) has repeatedly intervened in the internal affairs of the Islamic Republic^[1] of Iran (Persia), from the 1953 Mosaddeq coup to present. The CIA collaborated with the last Shah, Mohammad Reza Pahlavi. The 1979 hostage crisis at the American embassy in Tehran stemmed from the CIA and its past affairs with Iran. Its personnel have been involved in the Iran-Contra affair of the 1980s. More recently in 2007–08, the CIA claimed to be supporting the Sunni terrorist group Jundallah against Iran, but these claims were refuted by a later investigation. We now know that the CIA was directly involved with the Mosaddeq coup as classified documents became declassified in 2011. The U.S. and Iran have had a strained relationship for a long time as these claims of CIA involvement kept surfacing. In response to a FOIA request, the CIA confirmed its role in the coup and various documents outlining their involvement have been released to the public.^[2]

Mosaddeq coup - Operation Ajax

Mohammed Mossadeq

The Prime Minister of Iran meeting with George McGhee, a U.S. assistant secretary of state

On May 28, 1901, Shah Mozzafar al-Din of Persia made an oil concession with William Knox D'Arcy, founder of Anglo-Persian Oil Company (APOC), all future oil and petroleum exports from Persia for the next 60 years.^[3] On May 20, 1914, the British government signed a deal with the Anglo-Persian Oil Company paying 2.2 million pounds for 51% of APOC’s stock, receiving a majority stake and nationalizing the APOC for Britain.^[4] This was primarily due to the fact that Winston Churchill had converted the British Royal Navy from coal burning to oil burning ships just weeks before the onset of World War I.^[5] By 1950, 40% of the western and 75% of Europe's oil was produced in Iran. On May 2, 1951, Prime Minister began the nationalization of Iranian oil wishing to rebuild the country using the profits from Iranian oil, whose production was primarily done by the British-owned AIOC.^[6] The nationalization of the AIOC put Mossadeq and Britain in direct conflict, as Britain still owned half of the AIOC's stock. Iran sought the same 50-50 split of profits that had previously been granted to both Venezuela and the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia by the oil giants of the United States of America. Britain denied Iran's request, instead choosing to keep the lion's share of the profits accrued from the production of Iranian oil.^[7] Britain had no intentions of letting Mossadeq nationalize the AIOC without some sort of compensation, but was unable to get an agreeable compromise from Mossadeq. When the issue was brought before the International Court of Justice on July 22, 1952, the court ruled that it was unable to intervene in the conflict, stating "it is nothing more than a concessionary contract between a government and a foreign corporation * * * It does not regulate in any way the relations between the two Governments"^[8] This ruling caused Britain to revisit Mossadeq's first proposal of a 50-50 profit split, however by this point it was too late.^[7] After this loss, the British began using alternative tactics to force Mossadeq to agree to a more suitable compromise, putting severe economic embargoes on Iranian exports as well as withdrawing the skilled workers needed to run the AIOC refineries, known as the Abadan Crisis.^[9][10]

Concerns arose within the United States that the actions taken by the British would cause Iran to begin aiding the Soviets. In spite of these hardships, anti-communist Mosaddeq refused to abandon his stance. The British government turned to the U.S. for help, but the Truman administration was not interested and remained neutral in this conflict. After months of holding out against Britain's wishes, the British concluded that Mosaddeq had to be replaced with someone who would be more inclined to British interests. When Eisenhower became president of the United States in January 1953, the U.S. allied with Britain in this conflict.^[11] Mosaddeq responded to this partnership by offering the U.S. the following ultimatum: Iran would sell oil to the U.S. with a 40% discount rate or the Iranian oil companies would start selling their oil to the Soviets. The U.S. remained resolute with Britain stating that until an agreement and compensation had been met with Britain on their end, they could not discuss any matters concerning oil.^[12] Plan Y was an operation involving a three-part assault on Iran by land, air, and sea. Britain attempted to seek aid from the United States under the Truman administration, but the U.S. declined due to a possible conflict that could arise with the Soviet Union. In 1952, Britain constructed a plan for a coup and pressed the U.S. to mount a joint operation to remove the democratically elected government of Prime Minister Mohammad Mosaddeq^[13] and install the Shah Mohammed Reza Pahlavi to rule Iran autocratically. Representatives of British Intelligence met with CIA representatives in Washington in November and December 1952 for the purpose of discussing a joint war and stay-behind plans in Iran. Although it was not on the previous agreement and agenda of the meeting, British Intelligence representatives—including Christopher Montague Woodhouse, Samuel Falle, John Bruce Lockhart^[14]—met with representatives of the CIA's Near East and Africa Division—including Kermit Roosevelt, John H. Leavitt, John W. Pendleton, and James A. Darling^[15]—and brought up the proposition of a joint political action to remove Prime Minister Mossadeq. Mohammed Mossadeq was Iran's first elected prime minister appointed through popular demand by the people of Iran. Mossadeq felt that the wealth needed to rebuild Iran was leaving the country under the control of a British company called Anglo-Iranian oil company (later known as British Petroleum, or BP). While in power, Mossadeq successfully put in place the naturalization of the oil industry in Iran which gave him control over the oil industry. As a result, the British company sued Mossadeq in the world court and lost. In order to regain control of the oil industry the British persuaded and collaborated with the US government to overthrow Mossadeq. In March 1953, The CIA began to draft a plan to overthrow Mossadeq.

Dr. Donald Wilber, who was a writer, spy, and covert consultant to the NEA, was charged with investigating and developing the plan to overthrow Mossadeq. He traveled to Nicosia, Greece in May 1953, and together with Matthew Darbyshire, the head of SIS’s Iran branch, they held meetings to design the recommended plan of action.^[16] At these meetings, they reviewed all of the important political players in Iran, especially General Zahedi, who was the most pronounced politician who opposed Mossadeq. Wilber noted that his views were similar with that of Darbyshire’s, and that SIS was pleased to allow the CIA to take the lead on the operation, because of their advantages in personnel, funding, and facilities.^[16] After the discussion of politics in Iran, the parties involved discussed their current assets in Iran. The SIS mentioned that they had Rashidians in the armed forces, members of the Iranian Parliament, religious leaders, and other people they believed to be influential. Although their assets were considered to be useless, the Rashidians came through and were willing to assist in the overthrow.^[16] They concluded that Zahedi was the best candidate to support in the coup, and that all attempts must be to give the appearance of a legal transition of power, rather than an absolute coup. They also concluded that public opinion must be swayed against Mossadeq directly before beginning the operation, and that the plan must be shared and reviewed with the Iranians who will help implement it. To sway the opinion of the public, the CIA devised a plan to expose Mossadeq's collaboration with the Soviet Union and show the falsehood of his patriotism. By June 1953, operational plans were finalized and sent for approval. The operational plan was approved by the British (Director of SIS, Foreign Secretary, and Prime Minister) on 1 July 1953, and by the United States (Director of CIA, Secretary of State, and President) on 11 July 1953.

The study indicated that a Shah/General Zahedi combination, supported by local CIA assets and financial backing, would have a good chance of overthrowing Mossadeq, as long as the CIA's physical and financial support guaranteed that mobs would fill the streets and that Mossadeq's orders would be ignored.^[17] Partially due to this report, and partially due to the fear of Communist overthrow and spreading in the region due to increasing influence of the Communist Tudeh party.^[18] Also, having the Shah's cooperation meant that the legalization of the new and chosen prime minister would occur.^[19] However, to get the Shah involved was not an easy task. Pressure was needed to be placed on the Shah in order for the operation overthrowing of Mossadeq to be successful. The goal was to get the Shah to believe it would be easier to go with the plan rather than fighting it.^[20]

Speaking to the influence of Soviet Communism in Tudeh Party, a declassified CIA memorandum from September 1953 highlights the collaboration between the Tudeh Party and the Soviet Union. Point 6 of this memorandum states that the, "Tudeh Party is now printing newspapers in Soviet Embassy…Newspapers are then taken by diplomatic cars to four distribution centers…From these points, bundles are thrown into unlicensed jeeps which throw bundles on streets."^[21]

The Tudeh Party and its connections to the Soviet government proved problematic for the United States’ decision making for multiple reasons. While the Truman administration did not want to create friction with the United States’ primary ally against the Soviet Union, the British, it also feared the unstable economic conditions in Iran that would result from the United States siding with the British. NSC intelligence pointed to the idea that if the United States explicitly sided with the British this would push the Iranian people closer to the Tudeh party and Mosaddegh further into the Soviet sphere of influence in the hopes the Soviets could assist in the production and purchase of Iranian petroleum products. The State Department feared an alliance between the extremely popular Mosaddegh and the Soviet Union as it would provide the Soviets with a perfect window of opportunity to gain further political influence.^[22]

Similarly, based on the reports of CIA field agents, the United States feared the consequences of a further deterioration of Iran’s economy if Mosaddegh continued to rebuff Soviet influence. The CIA believed that the constant poor economic conditions of the country, and Mosaddegh's unwillingness or inability to solve Iran’s economic problems would cause the people to revolt against Mosaddegh. If the Iranian people did act against their government, the Tudeh had proven to be the greatest political organizing force in the country, and would therefore be thrust into a primary political role. Considering the Tudeh party’s friendly relationship with the Soviets, if Mosaddegh were to fall, the Soviets would have direct access to political control or influence in Iran.^[23] Not only was Soviet influence and control in the region an inspiration for the United States to get involved in Britain's coup, but the United States also feared that a move toward the Tudeh would destabilize the region while also causing the U.S.'s relationships with countries in the region to deteriorate, thus causing a decreased amount of available oilThe US also decided to get involved to gain control of a larger share of Iranian oil supplies. The US agreed to the operation dreamed up by the British,^[24] U.S. Brigadier General Norman Schwarzkopf, Sr., and CIA guru Kermit Roosevelt, Jr. were ordered to begin a covert operation to overthrow Mossadeq. The resulting operation was inspired by Plan Y, a 1951 British planned land, sea, and air invasion that the U.S. opposed under Truman. MI6 and the CIA once again discusses plans to orchestrate a coup in Iran in 1952 under the name Plan Boot; however, knowing President Truman's opposition to the previous plan, Plan Boot was kept secret under the order of CIA director Dulles. With Kermit Roosevelt Jr. as the head of CIA operations in the Middle East under the newly elected President Eisenhower, Operation Boot was renamed Operation Ajax and put into practice. Representatives from both the United States and Britain met in Beirut in order to finalize the details of the plan, and examine .^[25] certain aspects such as the state of the political scene in Iran. Also, in addition to TPAJAX that was crafted during these meetings, there was another plan entitled the "Amini/Qashqai Plan" that was to serve as a backup to it. After meetings in Beirut, the plan was formally given to the SIS and redrafted as a final London draft.^[26] On June 19, 1953 the final operational plan was submitted to Washington and the British Foreign Office for approval, after it was agreed upon by Kermit Roosevelt and British Intelligence. The State Department would want to ensure two things before they granted approval; First, The United States wanted to ensure adequate aid could be given to the successor Iranian government to that such a government could be sustained until an oil settlement was reached, and secondly, the British government would submit in writing their intention to reach an early oil settlement with the successor in Iran.^[27]

On June 25, 1953 Roosevelt met at the State Department with the senior foreign policy makers to discuss the final plan for TPAJAX. Though President Eisenhower didn't attend, other officials did, including Secretary of State John Foster Dulles, DCI Allen Dulles, and Undersecretary of State Walter Bedell Smith. Following Roosevelt's briefing all officials agreed with the plan, but Allen Dulles and Walter Smith expressed a way higher interest. On July 15, 1953 the operation began with its first phase which was Asadollah Rashidian meeting with Princess Ashraf at the French Rivera. He met with her to suggest that Mossadeq was a danger to Iran and he should be dismissed. She was not convinced by the idea but when Mossadeq made it difficult for her to return home, she agreed to meet with her brother to discuss the removal of Mossadeq. She wasn't able to convince her brother and left the next day.^[28] On August 26, 1953 a memorandum was written for the commendation for the work that John Waller had done for TPAJAX. He had stuck by the plan from start to finish and Frank O. Wisner had written the memorandum in hopes of drawing positive attention to John Waller.^[29]

Authorization was granted by the Prime Minister and the Director of the SIS on July 1, 1953.^[30] Operation Ajax was granted authorization by the President, the Secretary of State, and the Director of the CIA on July 11, 1953.^[31] In a memorandum to the President circa August 1953, the Department of State detailed the behaviors of General Zahedi and the Shah, both present leaders of Iran at the time. With regard to Zahedi, the Department of State reported that he had been excited about the aid received by the United States and was eager to resume diplomatic relations with the United States.^[32] With regard to the Shah, he was reported to have shared similar feelings of the Zahedi, remarking that along with swift economic aid, military aid would be useful as well.^[32] After concluding whether or not they were worthy of support, officials would then have to decide the resources they were going to allocate to them.^[33] Operation Ajax was conceived and executed from the US Embassy in Tehran where the 1979 Hostage Crisis would take place. The 1979 Hostage Crisis was related to the one the CIA put in place as the new prime minister who was the Shah. To release the hostages students demanded the return of the Shah to Iran for trial as he was in the U.S. for medical treatment. They also wanted the Shah's blood money returned to the people of Iran, promise of no more U.S. interference in Iran and an apology from the U.S.^[34] For the hostage crisis a group of protesters gathered outside of the embassy to protest the US support of the exiled Iranian leader Shah. This protest at first seemed harmless but as time went on they began to get louder and more intense. A group of Islamist students had entered onto the Embassy property and taken 66 Americans hostage. Of the 66 hostages 52 of them remained in captivity for 444 days. This occurred on November 4, 1979.^[35] The American television program Nightline was created in order to tally the days the hostages were held.^[36] The CIA divided into two different groups. One had the responsibility of studying the military aspect of the operation. The other group was responsible for the psychological warfare phases of the plan. Put in charge of the propaganda was Dr. Donald Wilber with the help of the CIA art group.^[37] Operation Ajax had four main parts: First, a massive propaganda campaign to ruin Mossadeq's name and accuse him of communist affiliations (though he was famously democratic). One piece of propaganda by the CIA portrays Mossadeq as a totalitarian dictator complete with a secret spy network to intimidate his political opponents and allies alike. This piece of propaganda attempts to illustrate Mossadeq as a madman and dictator with sympathies towards the Soviets and communists and an enemy to his own nation. The document also links Mossadeq to anti-Islamic sentiment. ^[38] Another major piece of propaganda was for high ranking U.S. officials to make official statements that the United States would not provide any forthcoming economic aid to Mossadeq and Iran. This would also destroy the illusion that the United States supported his regime.^[39] Still other documents containing anti-Mosaddeq sentiments from the CIA attempt to paint him as a threat to the good moral character and international reputation of the Iranian people, blaming the "dictator" and his alliance with the Soviet Tudeh Party for the rise in "rudeness," while espousing the love that "foreigners" have for Iran and its people.^[40] Although this last document makes little mention of Americans and focuses on other countries (such as France, Germany, and England), American anti-Soviet sentiments in its condemnation of the Soviet Tudeh Party and its likening the Iranian dictator to Bolsheviks.

Second, encourage disturbances within Iran. A report released by the CIA regarding the results of Operation Ajax suggests that both nationalists and communists "inadvertently assisted our cause through their premature attempts to promote a republican government."^[41] However, the CIA performed much of its own encouragement by paying citizens. For example, Kermit Roosevelt hired a crowd of Iranian citizens to act as a riotous mob in Tehran. For a sum of $50,000, the crowd was instructed to attack mosques and images of the Shah under the facade of supporting Mossadeq to attempt linking the leader to anti-Islamic and communist groups. Two days later on August 19, 1954, the same mob was sent to march on Mossadeq’s house with knives, clubs, sticks, and other weapons. As reports mentioned Mosaddeq was pinned in his home and the only way out was climbing over a garden wall it was also reported that he wasn't even there but took refuge in a neighbors home.^[42] Over 300 individuals died in this CIA-organized attack, some were found with the CIA’s dollars still in their pockets.^[43] This number has also been challenged as a British report in 1953 had the count at 300 wounded and 50 dead.^[44] Other CIA propaganda focused on Iranian national pride. It claims that "we Iranians are proud of our" culture and "reputation abroad" and then went on to paint Mossadeq as a threat to that source of pride.^[45]

Third, pressure the Shah into selecting a new prime minister to replace Mossadeq. The comeback of the Shah and end of Mossadeq was sparked by two political sides. The tensions of both political sides caused this outcome to occur.^[46] A CIA memo from Kermit Roosevelt suggests that CIA operatives possibly bribed members of the Iranian Parliament to create a vote of no-confidence in Mossadeq's leadership.^[47]

Fourth, support Zahedi as a replacement for Mossadeq.^[48]

Operation Ajax, enacted by the UK using the moniker "Operation Boot", was implemented the following year, though was initially unsuccessful. On August 16, 1953, the same day the Shah of Iran fled to Baghdad after a failed attempt to oust Prime Minister Mossadeq. This failed mission was said to happen because Mossadeq learned of the plan through a leak, most likely from the Tudeh Party, and took immediate counteraction to protest the plan.^[49] One of the most influential figures in this coup was Kermit Roosevelt, the grandson of former President Theodore Roosevelt, and head of CIA operations in the Middle East.^[50] with the cooperation of the Department of State, the CIA had articles planted in the United States but when reproduced in Iran, it had psychological affects in Iran and contributed to the war.

In addition to internal propaganda, the CIA also worked to make sure that the United States government publicly distanced itself from Mossadeq's government. This was done to both discourage Mossadeq and encourage public dissent with the government.^[51] The letter that President Eisenhower sent to Mossadeq in response to his call to the U.S. for economic aid, due to not agreeing to the British oil deal was the most notable example of how this effort created public anger with the government. Eisenhower writes "The failure of Iran and of the United Kingdom to reach an agreement with regard to compensation has handicapped the Government of the United States in its efforts to help Iran."^[52] According to CIA reports, this succeeded in weakening Mossadeq's position, and turned the media, the Parliament, and the populace against him.^[53] The Shah believed that any delay in execution for Mossadeq would cause for his supporters to attack back.^[54] The CIA also increased their propaganda campaign to link Mossadeq to the Communists. In an attempt for a second coup, the CIA began to bribe the army and police officials.^[55][56]

Roosevelt used the first failed coup and the exodus of the Shah to his advantage. Using $50,000 he bribed many protestors to pretend as if they were communists. They destroyed or defaced property pertaining to the Shah.^[57] Many Iranians were "shocked and angered" at the fact that the Shah was forced to leave Iran after the failed coup attempt. On August 19, 1953 pro Shah demonstrators began protesting in the bazaar section of Tehran. They would also be joined by army units loyal to the Shah. By the afternoon these protestors and army units had gained control of much of Tehran. In particular, Radio Tehran was considered one of the top priorities in the city by the CIA: "Radio Tehran was a most important target, for its capture not only sealed the success at the capital, but was effective in bringing the provincial cities quickly into line with the new government."^[58] The eventual takeover of the radio allowed Zahedi to declare himself prime minister, and by the end of August 19 he had effective control of the nation.^[59] Newspapers were also heavily involved in circulating Zahedi's message; an internal history of the coup by the CIA mentions that the firman that named Zahedi prime minister was circulated in numerous newspapers around Tehran, along with an interview that was fake in which it was stated, falsely, that Zahedi had declared his government the only legitimate one.^[60]

In order for Zahedi to receive the financial assistance he badly needed, the CIA made 5 million dollars available within two days of Zahedi's assumption of power. After several attempts and over 7 million dollars were spent, operations to overthrow Mossadeq were completed. Zahedi immediately implemented martial law and began executing nationalist leaders. Mossadeq was spared from execution by serving 3 years in solitary confinement and after he remained on house arrest until his death.^[55][61] In September after the coup, the Zahedi government had begun to remove Tudeh Party officials from the government. This forced the party underground and attempting to form a pro-Mossadeq coalition.^[62] The Coup in Iran was the CIA's first successful coup operation.^[63] Several people involved in the coup received commendations. This included John Waller, who managed the coup at CIA headquarters, who was described as "in no small measure," playing a central role in the coup's success.^[64] It became a model for future covert political operations on foreign soil.^[65] Mossadeq was removed from power and Iran oil shares were split amongst the British, French, and United States for a 25-year agreement in which Iran would earn 50% of the oil profits.^[66] Britain earned 40% of the oil shares, the Dutch Oil Company, Shell received 14%, French CFP received 6%, and the United States received the remaining 40%. By 1953, the U.S. installed a pro-U.S. dictator, Shah Mohammad Reza Pahlavi. As the CIA took this as a win to overthrow the Prime Minister it also created more problems that the U.S. would have to deal with later on. Over the next decades the Shah increased the economic strength of Iran but he also repressed political dissent. He accomplished this through the use of a secret police force known as the SAVAK, which he had help in creating via the CIA and Mossad. The Shah was accused by many as trying to get rid of Islam, despite the fact that the country's population was over 90% Muslim.^[63] This eventually led to the rise of political Islam in Iran.^[67][68] In a speech on March 17, 2000 before the American Iranian Council on the relaxation of U.S. sanctions against Iran, Secretary of State Madeleine Albright said: "In 1953, the United States played a significant role in orchestrating the overthrow of Iran's popular prime minister, Mohammed Mossadegh. Further proof of the United States involvement was announced on March 19, 2013, the 60th anniversary of the overthrow, when the National Security Service posted recently declassified documents that the CIA had on the coup.^[69] Although previous to this the CIA claimed that all the documents about 1953 were destroyed or lost in the 1960s because of lack of storage space, it was said that the record holders safes were too full.^[69] As the National Security Service posted declassified documents it was still hard to see how much Britain played a factor in the coup. As many documents had deleted passages believing to hide the role of the British there were some that they couldn't hide. Two declassified references place them involved in the coup, one of them was an official admission by both the United States and United Kingdom that normal, rational methods of international communication and commerce had failed. The second inclination of Britain's involvement was the State Department off insisted that, if a coup were to go forward, London would have to provide "firm commitment" to be "flexible" on any future oil settlement with "the new government."^[70] As we now know the CIA's involvement with overthrowing the prime minister and replacing him with the Shah the question still remains who was really responsible for it. In an article in the July/August 2014 issue of Foreign Affairs by noted Iran analyst Ray Takeyh is the latest in a series of analyses by respected scholars who conclude Iranians, not the CIA or British intelligence, were fundamentally responsible.^[71] The following link is of President Eisenhower's diary where he talks about the Mossadeph coup on pages 10 and 11.

The operational plan was created from a skew of assumptions, which were agreed upon by the CIA and the SIS. A few of these assumptions were 1) That the Shah would be persuaded to take action is pressure was applied to him, 2) Zahedi would win the support of key positiones officers with the support and backing of the Shah, and 3) The rank and file of the army would choose the Shah over Mosaddeq if faced with a choice. These assumptions were challenged by the American ambassador and State department. It was "unrealistic to believe the Shah would sponsor a coup supported by an army". Although many were at odds with these assumptions, it was the action of strong and positive action that would make these assumptions come true. The success of the plan put into place was not about agents carrying out orders, but having "the heart and soul" to believe in the operation.^[72] Following the success of the coup, the Shah had chosen to put the former Prime Minister Mossadeq on trial and condemned to death. However, he was unsure on how to proceed with the trial and as to whether Mossadeq should either be immediately banished from Iran or executed. With the conclusion of the trial, the Shah wanted to prevent any delay in Mossadeq's punishment because he feared that it would allow the pro-Mossadeq Tudeh to commence a counterattack. Because of this, the Shah decided to execute Mossadeq immediately. This however did not prevent from the Tudeh from formulating an attack. The CIA reported to the Shah that the Tudeh will attack at some point within the next thirty days.

Although the hand in which the U.S. and British played in the elimination of Mosaddeq, there have been many analyses by respected scholars that conclude Iranians were responsible fundamentally. ^[73]

Reconnaissance of USSR

Through the Cold War in the 1960s and 1970s, the CIA used their alliance with the government of Iran to acquire an advantage over their Soviet counterparts with the Iranian airfields, airspace, and Air Force assets for aggressive, airborne reconnaissance missions along the edge of the Soviet territories and Warsaw Pact countries in Project Dark Gene.^[74] The advantage gained over their Soviet counterparts were crucial to the almost daily sorties that were flown near the borders of the USSR and Warsaw Pact countries. Below there is a map of the USSR highlighted in green. You can see the Middle Eastern States that border the far southern Soviet States, which helps us to identify the motives for the U.S. and the American intelligence community's obsession over states such as Iran. By allowing American military and spy forces to stage in northern Iran, it would ensure the less likely of suicide missions and more friendly airspace. This helped to keep the numbers of pilots and personnel killed in action to a minimum. During the 1970s, Iran maintained a good relationship with the United States, which allowed the U.S. to install long range radar technology and establish listening posts enabling the U.S. to monitor activities in the Soviet Union.^[74]

Information of the KGB USSR to the International Department of the CC CPSU, October 10, 1979. "The Leadership of Iran About the External Security of the Country" "According to KGB information, in August in Teheran a secret meeting was held with the participation of representatives of the Prime Minister, the Ministries of Foreign and Internal Affairs, the Intelligence and Operational Administrations of the General Staff, Gendarme and Police Administrations of the General Staff and the Staff of the "Corps of Defenders of the Revolution," with the goal of studying issues which touch on the security of Iran. It was noted that the USSR and the USA, which have their own interests this region, are worried about the victory of the Islamic revolution in Iran.~ presumed that the USA might resort to a direct military threat and realization of a blockade. But in the event that Iran will not take sharp steps which hurt the USA, and will obstruct the penetration of the Soviets, this will ease the position of the USA. Evaluating the policy of the USSR in relation to the Iranian regime, the participants in the meeting came to the conclusion that insofar as strengthening the Islamic republic will lead to a weakening of the position of the regime in Afghanistan, exert a certain influence on the Moslem republics in the USSR and will be "a brake in the path of penetration of Communism in the region," the Soviet Union "will not turn away from the ideological struggle and efforts to put into power in Iran a leftist government." It was stressed that with the aim of weakening the Islamic regime the USSR might organize "provocative" activity among Iranian Kurds, Azeris, Turkmen, Baluchis, support leftist forces, create economic difficulties, resort to a military threat on the basis of the agreement of 1921. It was noted that Afghanistan is not in any condition to undertake military actions against Iran. However, border conflicts are not excluded. In addition, Afghanistan is in need of economic assistance from Iran, which might soften its position. The positions of Iraq, Turkey, Pakistan, and Saudi Arabia were also analyzed."^[75] Based on research notes taken at the Center for the Preservation of Contemporary Documentation (Moscow), Fond 5, Opis 76, File 1355, Pages 17-20.

CIA propaganda

In an effort to undermine Premier Mossadeq and to set the stage for a coup, the CIA used propaganda to undermine the character of the Iranian people in addition to Premier Mossadeq. In a memo, the author alleges the Iranian people as they are viewed by the west - a friendly, peaceful people. However, after Mossadeq's alliance with the Communist Tudeh Party, the author alleges that the Iranian People have become disruptive and noisy, going as far as to "throw acid on the wife of the Argentine Ambassador". ^[76]

In a second memo, the author attacks the character of Mossadeq, alleging that his claim of being the "Savior of Iran" is inconsistent with this actions. The author alleges Premier Mossadeq used money received from landowners to undermine those who helped him in the past. The memo notes Mossadeq does not want to save Iran, but rather wants to save the "dictatorship" of Iran by its alliance to the Tudeh Communist Party.^[77]

In response to the terrorist attacks on September 11, 2001; the United States felt as though there was a fundamental misunderstanding of its policies in the Middle East. The Bush Administration felt as though the end of the Cold War led to a diminishing of public diplomacy, thus causing a revitalization of propaganda attempts in the Middle East.^[78]

Identification of leftists

In 1983, the CIA passed an extensive list of Iranian communists and other leftists secretly working in the Iranian government to Khomeini's administration.^[79] A Tower Commission report later observed that the list was utilized to take "measures, including mass executions, that virtually eliminated the pro-Soviet infrastructure in Iran."^[79][80]

Iran-Contra affair

Beginning in August 1984, a small group within the US government, in the Iran-Contra affair, arranged for the indirect transfer of arms to Iran, to get of circumventing the Boland Amendments. This amendments were intended to prevent the expenditure of US funds to support the Nicaraguan Contras. Since the arms-for-hostages deal struck by the Reagan Administration channeled money to the Contras, the legal interpretation of the time was that the CIA, as an organization, could not participate in Iran-Contra.

The relationships, first to avoid the Boland Amendment restriction, but also for operational security, did not directly give or sell U.S. weapons to Iran. Instead, the Reagan Administration authorized Israel to sell munitions to Iran, using contracted Iranian arms broker Manucher Ghorbanifar.^[81] The proceeds from the sales, less the 41% markup charged by Ghorbanifar and originally at a price not acceptable to Iran, went directly to the Contras. Those proceeds were not interpreted as U.S. funds. The Administration resupplied Israel, which was not illegal, with munitions that replaced those transferred to Iran.

While Director of Central Intelligence (DCI) William Casey was deeply involved in Iran-Contra, Casey, a World War II Office of Strategic Services (OSS) clandestine operations officer, ran the Iran operation with people outside the CIA, such as White House/National Security Council employees such as John Poindexter and Oliver North, as well as retired special operations personnel such as John K. Singlaub and Richard Secord.^[82]

The scandal was ultimately compounded by a failure of the US to hide its delivery of weapons to the Iranians. The principal objective of North's clandestine mission was to deliver eight hundred antiquated missiles on an EL Al 747 to Lisbon, where they would then be transferred to a Nicaraguan plane secured by General Richard Secord. Secord's role in the mission was to then take the missiles to Tehran. CIA officials, most notably Duane Clarridge, worked around the clock in securing a better way of delivery. In late November 1985, a CIA 707 was secured from Frankfurt in order to deliver eighteen HAWK missiles to the Iranians on Monday, November 25. The plan required proof of presidential backing, which, due to the timing of the events, required a retroactive signature authorizing, "the provision of assistance by the Central Intelligence Agency to private parties in their attempt to obtain the release of Americans held hostage in the Middle East."^[83] The document was signed by Reagan on December 5, 1985.

The United States was convicted of violating international law by the International Court of Justice in the 1986 case of Nicaragua v. United States, but refused to participate or pay the reparations that had been ordered by the court.^[84] Christian Mixter, a lawyer on the staff of Independent counsel, reported that the President was aware of each of the sales of missiles to Iran. However, it would be difficult for Reagan to be prosecuted because the 1947 National Security Act could override the Arms Export Control Act.^[85] Reagan felt that he could answer questions about illegal actions but not about him passing up the chance to free hostages.

Iran arms-for-hostages

In 1986 Charles Hill and George Shultz began to prepare for their meeting with the president regarding ideas to get troops back home. It was later uncovered that the president at the time, Reagan, showed a willingness to break the law in order to get American troops back home.^[86]

Intelligence analysis

The Islamic Republic of Iran, or more commonly known by its shorthand name Iran, was described as a problem area in the February 2005 report by Porter Goss, then CIA Director, to the Senate Intelligence Committee.^[87] "In early February, the spokesman of Iran's Supreme Council for National Security publicly announced that Iran would never scrap its nuclear program. This came in the midst of negotiations with EU-3 members (Britain, Germany and France) seeking objective guarantees from Tehran that it will not use nuclear technology for nuclear weapons. This unsurprising given the political instability that has gripped the nation since the US and British intervention in 1953, and the shaky economic conditions that have gripped the nation for decades. Iran's economy is almost completely dependent on foreign oil exports, and its government is racked with blatant and open corruption.^[88]

"Previous comments by Iranian officials, including Iran's Supreme Leader and its Foreign Minister, indicated that Iran would not give up its ability to enrich uranium. Certainly they can use it to produce fuel for power reactors. We are more concerned about the dual-use nature of the technology that could also be used to achieve a nuclear weapon.

"In parallel, Iran continues its pursuit of long-range ballistic missiles, such as an improved version of its 1,300 km range Shahab-3 medium-range ballistic missile (MRBM), to add to the hundreds of short-range SCUD missiles it already has.

"Even since 9/11, Tehran continues to support terrorist groups in the region, such as Hizballah, and could encourage increased attacks in Israel and the Palestinian Territories to derail progress toward peace. Iran reportedly is supporting some anti-Coalition activities in Iraq and seeking to influence the future character of the Iraqi state. Iran continues to retain in secret important members of Al-Qai'ida-the Management Council—causing further uncertainty about Iran's commitment to bring them to justice.

"Conservatives are likely to consolidate their power in Iran's June 2005 presidential elections, further marginalizing the reform movement last year."

Alleged support for terrorist groups

During 2007-2008, there were allegations that the CIA was supporting the Sunni terrorist group Jundallah, but these claims were debunked by a subsequent investigation showing that the CIA "had barred even the most incidental contact with Jundallah." The rumors originated in an Israeli Mossad "false flag" operation; Mossad agents posing as CIA officers met with and recruited members of Jundullah in cities such as London to carry out attacks against Iran. President George W. Bush "went absolutely ballistic" when he learned of Israel's actions, but the situation was not resolved until President Barack Obama's administration "drastically scaled back joint U.S.-Israel intelligence programs targeting Iran" and ultimately designated Jundallah a terrorist organization in November 2010.^[89] Although the CIA cut all ties with Jundallah after the 2007 Zahedan bombings, the Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI) and United States Department of Defense continued to gather intelligence on Jundallah through assets cultivated by "FBI counterterrorism task force officer" Thomas McHale; the CIA co-authorized a 2008 trip McHale made to meet his informants in Afghanistan. According to The New York Times: "Current and former officials say the American government never directed or approved any Jundallah operations. And they say there was never a case when the United States was told the timing and target of a terrorist attack yet took no action to prevent it."^[90]

Operation Merlin

Operation Merlin was a United States covert operation under the Clinton Administration to provide Iran with a botched design for a component of a nuclear weapon ostensibly in attempts to delay the alleged Iranian nuclear weapons program, to get more information about State's nuclear weapons program, or to simply frame Iran. The intentions behind Operation Merlin may have been to help the Iranians develop weapons of mass destruction so that future military conflicts with the state would be properly justified. In other words, sabotaged blueprints for a "firing set" were underhanded onto the Iranians laps because the CIA, for whatever reasons, wanted to guarantee that Iran would have nuclear weapons in the years to come.^[91][92]

In State of War, author and intelligence correspondent for The New York Times James Risen relates that the CIA chose a defected Russian nuclear scientist to provide deliberately flawed nuclear warhead blueprints to Iranian officials in February 2000.^[93] Risen wrote in his book that President Clinton had approved operation Merlin and that the Bush administration later endorsed the plan.^[93][94] Risen later refused to testify about the leaked information about operation Merlin. Earlier publication of details on Operation Merlin by the New York Times in 2003 was prevented by the intervention of National Security Advisor Condoleezza Rice with the NYT's Executive Editor Howell Raines.^[95]

Unfortunately, Operation Merlin didn't unfold as planned. According to Risen, the CIA's Russian contact/messenger noticed flaws in the schematics for the TBA 480 high-voltage block during his briefing for the operation in San Francisco.^[92] After recognizing the errors, the Russian asked nearby agents about said discrepancies and his inquiry was ignored. Some members of the CIA were unsettled by the Russian's observations, but Operation Merlin progressed nevertheless. Shortly before flying to Vienna for the delivery, the Russian was handed a sealed envelope, containing the blueprints for the "firing set", and was ordered to not open the envelope. However once in Vienna, the Russian chose to defy his instructions. Further, the Russian opened the envelope and inserted a letter informing the Iranians about the errors in the blueprints. The Russian took the envelope to 19 Heinstrasse in North Vienna, where he hastily shoved it through the mail slot in the door to the Iranian office. After completing the delivery, the Russian returned to the US. In the days that followed, members of the CIA were able to infer that the blueprints had been taken back to Iran.^[92] Instead of crippling Iran's nuclear program, the book alleges, Operation Merlin may have accelerated it by providing useful information: once the flaws were identified, the plans could be compared with other sources, such as those presumed to have been provided to the Iranians by A. Q. Khan.^[92]

Sabotage Iran’s nuclear program

Containment or monetary gain?

Over time, the motives of the United States have been questioned. For many, it was not clear why they United States decided to enter Iran. This passage should make it easy to see why Americans committed the actions that they did. One controversial idea that can be immediately ruled out is oil. Despite the potential influence of the director of the CIA formerly holding a position on Wall Street as a lawyer of international business, this theory is likely incorrect.^[106] It is much more believable that the CIA focused its energy on controlling the spread of communism. Americans already had existing contractual agreements with Kuwait and Saudi Arabia for oil, so invading Iran with intentions of getting oil for free would cause conflict.^[106] Containment was the goal of the CIA. One thing that hints at this being true is the United States approval to overthrow Mossadeq.^[106] Information received by the CIA led them to making that decision. After watching countries fall to communism over the world, America didn't want the same thing to happen in Iran. When the United States successfully overthrew the government in Iran, the CIA attempted to find information that permitted them to invade other possible threats.^[106]

Stuxnet is typically introduced to the target environment via an infected USB flash drive. The worm then propagates across the network, scanning for Siemens Step7 software on computers controlling a PLC. In the absence of either criterion, Stuxnet becomes dormant inside the computer. If both the conditions are fulfilled, Stuxnet introduces the infected rootkit onto the PLC and Step7 software, modifying the codes and giving unexpected commands to the PLC while returning a loop of normal operations system values feedback to the users.^[107][108]

The worm initially spreads indiscriminately, but includes a highly specialized malware payload that is designed to target only Siemens supervisory control and data acquisition (SCADA) systems that are configured to control and monitor specific industrial processes.^[109][110] Stuxnet infects PLCs by subverting the Step-7 software application that is used to reprogram these devices.^[111][112]

Different variants of Stuxnet targeted five Iranian organizations,^[113] with the probable target widely suspected to be uranium enrichment infrastructure in Iran;^{[112][114][115]} Symantec noted in August 2010 that 60% of the infected computers worldwide were in Iran.^[116] Siemens stated that the worm has not caused any damage to its customers,^[117] but the Iran nuclear program, which uses embargoed Siemens equipment procured secretly, has been damaged by Stuxnet.^[118][119] Kaspersky Lab concluded that the sophisticated attack could only have been conducted "with nation-state support".^[120] This was further supported by the F-Secure's chief researcher Mikko Hyppönen who commented in a Stuxnet FAQ, "That's what it would look like, yes".^[121]

On 1 June 2012, an article in The New York Times said that Stuxnet is part of a US and Israeli intelligence operation called "Operation Olympic Games", started under President George W. Bush and expanded under President Barack Obama.^[122]

On 24 July 2012, an article by Chris Matyszczyk from CNET^[123] reported how the Atomic Energy Organization of Iran e-mailed F-Secure's chief research officer Mikko Hyppönen to report a new instance of malware.

On 25 December 2012, an Iranian semi-official news agency announced there was a cyberattack by Stuxnet, this time on the industries in the southern area of the country. The virus targeted a power plant and some other industries in Hormozgan province in recent months.^[124]

A study of the spread of Stuxnet by Symantec showed that the main affected countries in the early days of the infection were Iran, Indonesia and India:^[125]

Iran was reported to have "beefed up" its cyberwar capabilities following the Stuxnet attack, and has been suspected of retaliatory attacks against US banks.^[126]

In a March 2012 interview with CBS News' "60 Minutes", retired USAF General Michael Hayden – who served as director of both the Central Intelligence Agency and National Security Agency – while denying knowledge of who created Stuxnet said that he believed it had been "a good idea" but that it carried a downside in that it had legitimized the use of sophisticated cyberweapons designed to cause physical damage. Hayden said, "There are those out there who can take a look at this... and maybe even attempt to turn it to their own purposes". In the same report, Sean McGurk, a former cybersecurity official at the Department of Homeland Security noted that the Stuxnet source code could now be downloaded online and modified to be directed at new target systems. Speaking of the Stuxnet creators, he said, "They opened the box. They demonstrated the capability... It's not something that can be put back."^[127] A Wired magazine article about US General Keith B. Alexander stated: "And he and his cyberwarriors have already launched their first attack. The cyberweapon that came to be known as Stuxnet was created and built by the NSA in partnership with the CIA and Israeli intelligence in the mid-2000s."^[128]

References