Macau independence

Macau Independence is the proposition that supports independence of Macau from the People's Republic of China. Despite receiving little attention within Macau, the issue was raised in the Legislative Council following the Hong Kong Legislative Council oath-taking controversy. In 2017, several Chinese media outlets warned against discussion of Macau independence, fearing that speculation would lead to further action.[1][2][3][4]

The flag of Portuguese Macao
The flag of the Macao SAR, used since 1999.

Background
Main article: History of Macau
Fragments of pottery found in Coloane.
An early map of Macau produced in 1639.

The Portuguese colony of Macau was established in 1557, initially in exchange for 500 taels (approx. 20 kg) of silver per year. In 1845, Queen Maria declared that Macau was to become a free port, in response the nearby Hong Kong being established as such and threatening the economic activity of Macau. At this time, the government of Macau also became more hostile to the Qing offices established in the area and began a campaign of removing them and expanding the territory of the colony. By 1889, the territory of Macau had been expanded to roughly its current size. In 1887, the Chinese government was forced to sign the Sino-Portuguese Treaty of Peking which, among other concessions, recognised a permanent settlement of Macau by the Portuguese in exchange for Portugal agreeing to not cede the territory to another power without China's consent.

On the 3rd of December 1966, the 12-3 incident broke out which consisted largely of anti-colonial protests by the residents of Macau. The incident erupted after corrupt colonial officials blocked the already approved construction of a private school for Chinese students on Taipa island as they had not received a bribe. Police suppression of the ensuing protests led many in Macau to turn against the colonial government, supported by the communist government in China. The subsequent turmoil, involving blockades by the Chinese military, forced the Portuguese to make a number of concessions to the protesters, including expanding the role of China in the governing of Macau, the payment of reparations to the Chinese community, as well as ceding effective control of the colony to the Communist Party of China through local proxies.[5][6][7][8]

In 1975, the Portuguese offered to return Macau to China. However, as the Cultural Revolution was still wreaking havoc on the mainland, the CCP refused to take back the colony.[7]

On the 13th of April 1987, the governments of Portugal and China signed the Joint Declaration on the Question of Macau to lay out the terms of the handover of Macau to the PRC. The date for the handover was set at the 20th of December 1999.[9][10]

Ideology

Much discussion has been had, particularly by former University of Macao scholar Chou Kwok Ping, comparing the histories of Macau and Hong Kong. Chou notes that while the events of the 1960s in Hong Kong (particularly the Hong Kong 1967 leftist riots) led those in Hong Kong to distrust the communist government in China, the fact that China supported the movements against the Portuguese government in Macau and was successful has led Macanese to look more favorably on China, and their relationship with it. This has also meant that there is a far less strong sense of local identity in Macau compared with Hong Kong.[11] The effective loss of control by the colonial government in Macau also led to political stagnation in the colony following the 12-3 incident, while the effectiveness of the Hong Kong government in quelling the riots allowed it to continue to develop.[7]

Macau also has a less developed sense of civil society compared to Hong Kong. Unlike its neighbour, Macau generally lacks effective civil organisations, rights groups, or a truly free press. Likewise, Macanese universities often follow political trends and there is far less protection of academic freedom. Citizens of Macau, when polled by the University of Hong Kong's Public Opinion Programme, identified significantly more strongly as "Chinese" than did their counterparts in Hong Kong.[12][13][14][2]

Current situation

The Swedish magazine The Perspective speculated that the relative lack of independence sentiment in Macau stems from the SAR's reliance on gaming and tourism revenue from the Mainland. Macau is currently one of the richest regions in the world, and its wealth is derived almost entirely from gambling, which is illegal in the PRC.[13]

Events

2016 legislative controversy

In 2016, following an interpretation of the Hong Kong Basic Law by the Standing Committee of the People's Republic of China, the Macau SAR government issued a requirement of all legislators to swear allegiance to the Macao Basic Law. The law also allows for the barring of potential candidates on the basis of their stated positions on issues which the government deems not in keeping with this principle.[15][16]

In an editorial in Jornal Informação (Son Pou), the policies of the Macau SAR government were lambasted for using unrest in neighbouring Hong Kong as an excuse for its own poor policies, suggesting that the government is ineffective owing to the lack of an engaged populace which will ultimately lead to growing resentment among the populace. The article also suggested that while public sentiment towards Macau Independence is largely non-existent, it is likely to grow the more the SAR government raises the issue, particularly as this is often done to cover apparent failures over livelihood issues.[15]

2017 press storm
2017 Legislative Council election posters.

An editorial in the Global Times, a subsidiary of the People's Daily, warned that 'radical elements' were attempting to bring Hong Kong-style unrest to Macau and were promoting independence for the SAR. The article focused on a candidate in the 2017 Legislative Council elections, Sulu Sou Ka Hou, who was running as a pro-democracy candidate.[17] Following his election, Sou stated in a radio interview that 'independence' was used as a smear by more conservative members of society. He also noted that terms such as 'patriotism' were often misused by those in power to refer to loyalty to the ruling authority for personal gain, rather than any genuine feeling towards the country.[18]

See also

References
  1. 葉靖斯 (2017-09-18). "澳門選舉：民主派保議席 天鴿風災與「港獨」吹出來的？". BBC中文網. Archived from the original on 2017-09-22. Retrieved 2017-09-22.
  2. 甄樹基 (2017-09-16). "環球時報炮製"澳獨"標籤澳門反對派立法會候選人". 法國國際廣播電台. Archived from the original on 2017-09-16. Retrieved 2017-09-22.
  3. "「澳獨」無市場 　那「反中」「反共」呢？". 訊報. 2017-10-15. Archived from the original on 2018-04-08.
  4. "公務員「被組團」參觀國安展 雖自由報名 但有調侃：當然冇幾個唔去". 論盡媒體. 2018-04-22.
  5. 蘇嘉豪 (2014-12-03). "澳門人必須知道的歷史". 論盡媒體. Archived from the original on 2018-02-01. Retrieved 2018-01-31.
  6. 梁仲禮 (2016-11-27). "通識導賞﹕香港有「六七」 澳門有「一二三」 左派鬥爭兩種收場". 明報. Archived from the original on 2018-01-31. Retrieved 2018-01-01.
  7. 程翔 (2016-12-03). "「一二．三事件」，港澳殊途命運的起點". 端傳媒. Retrieved 2017-09-30.
  8. Crystal Fung & Lee Chin Ying (2013-08-14). "文化大革命催生六七暴動【「六七暴動的成因與影響」講座（上）】". 獨立媒體. Archived from the original on 2018-01-31. Retrieved 2018-01-10.
  9. 黃啟臣. "《16－ 19世紀中葉中國政府對 澳門行使主權和實施管理》". 《行政》. 十三 (四十八): 491–500.
  10. 1553、1849澳門歷史上兩個值得重視的年份——從《基本法·序言》16字概括談起 Archived 2017-10-01 at the Wayback Machine, 1994年1月“澳門歷史文化國際學術研討会”論文
  11. 仇國平 (2014-02-17). "No Money Buys Love: 經濟愈發達民怨愈大的澳門". 信報. Archived from the original on 2014-07-08. Retrieved 2017-09-24.
  12. "港大民調︰澳門人國族身份認同明顯回升". 論盡媒體. 2016-01-07. Archived from the original on 2017-05-25. Retrieved 2017-09-24.
  13. Rick Huisman (2016-11-10). "Why prosperous Macau does not follow Hong Kong's gamble for independence". The Perspective.
  14. 李展鵬 (2017-06-09). "20年前，一場雨的預言──一個澳門人寫給香港的情書". 天下雜誌. Archived from the original on 2017-09-24. Retrieved 2017-09-24.
  15. "為防澳獨多此一舉 跟車太貼引火上身". 訊報. 2016-12-01. Archived from the original on 2018-04-08. Retrieved 2017-09-26.
  16. "人大釋法關澳門事？崔世安政府衝出嚟跪低 跟風加確認書防「澳獨」". 蘋果日報. 2016-12-01. Archived from the original on 2017-09-26. Retrieved 2017-09-25.
  17. "图谋引入激进抗争！澳门"独派分子"想进立法会". 环球时报. 2017-09-13. Archived from the original on 2017-09-22.
  18. "談愛國愛澳 愛之深‧責之切". 正報. 2017-09-22. Archived from the original on 2017-09-23. Retrieved 2017-09-23.
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