Abortion in North Carolina

Abortion in North Carolina is legal. Abortion related legislation existed in North Carolina by 1900, including a therapeutic exception.  Research was being done about abortion nationally using North Carolina data to derive to estimates in 1967. State Targeted Regulation of Abortion Providers (TRAP) laws were in place by 2013. North Carolina abortion laws have been before the federal judiciary, including in March 2019 when U.S. District Judge William Osteen formally struck down North Carolina's life of the mother only 20 week abortion ban.

The number of abortion clinics in North Carolina has decline over the years, with 114 in 1982, 86 in 1992 and 27 facilities of which sixteen were abortion clinics in 2014.  There total number of abortions in the state have generally declined over time, with 36,180 legal abortions in 1992, 34,600 in 1995, 33,500 in 1996, 24,605 legal abortions in 2014, and 27,631 in 2015. There is an abortion rights activist community in the state, with women participating in #YouKnowMe movement and in #StoptheBans movement in May 2019. There is also an anti- abortion rights movement in the state, which has included an act of violence.

Terminology

The abortion debate most commonly relates to the "induced abortion" of an embryo or fetus at some point in a pregnancy, which is also how the term is used in a legal sense.[note 1] Some also use the term "elective abortion", which is used in relation to a claim to an unrestricted right of a woman to an abortion, whether or not she chooses to have one. The term elective abortion or voluntary abortion describes the interruption of pregnancy before viability at the request of the woman, but not for medical reasons.[1]

Anti-abortion advocates tend to use terms such as "unborn baby", "unborn child", or "pre-born child",[2][3] and see the medical terms "embryo", "zygote", and "fetus" as dehumanizing.[4][5] Both "pro-choice" and "pro-life" are examples of terms labeled as political framing: they are terms which purposely try to define their philosophies in the best possible light, while by definition attempting to describe their opposition in the worst possible light. "Pro-choice" implies that the alternative viewpoint is "anti-choice", while "pro-life" implies the alternative viewpoint is "pro-death" or "anti-life".[6] The Associated Press encourages journalists to use the terms "abortion rights" and "anti-abortion".[7]

Context

Free birth control correlates to teenage girls having a fewer pregnancies and fewer abortions. A 2014 New England Journal of Medicine study found such a link.  At the same time, a 2011 study by Center for Reproductive Rights and Ibis Reproductive Health also found that states with more abortion restrictions have higher rates of maternal death, higher rates of uninsured pregnant women, higher rates of infant and child deaths, higher rates of teen drug and alcohol abuse, and lower rates of cancer screening.[8]

According to a 2017 report from the Center for Reproductive Rights and Ibis Reproductive Health, states that tried to pass additional constraints on a women's ability to access legal abortions had fewer policies supporting women's health, maternal health and children's health.  These states also tended to resist expanding Medicaid, family leave, medical leave, and sex education in public schools.[9] According to Megan Donovan, a senior policy manager at the Guttmacher Institute, states have legislation seeking to protect a woman's right to access abortion services have the lowest rates of infant mortality in the United States.[9]

History

In 1967, a group of North Carolina-based researchers published estimates for the number of abortions performed in the United States; using data from North Carolina, they estimated that 699,000 induced abortions had been performed in 1955 and that the annual number had risen to 829,000 in 1967.[10]

Thousands of women came from out of state in 2015 to get abortions in North Carolina and Georgia. 14.5% of all abortions in Georgia that year were for out-of-state residents, while 7.5% of all abortions performed in North Carolina were performed for out-of-state residents.  This contrasted to neighboring South Carolina, where only 5.9% of abortions performed in the state involved out-of-state residents.[11]

One of the biggest groups of women who oppose legalized abortion in the United States are southern white evangelical Christians.  These women voted overwhelming for Trump, with 80% of these voters supporting him at the ballot box in 2016. In November 2018, during US House exit polling, 75% of southern white evangelical Christian women indicated they supported Trump and only 20% said they voted for Democratic candidates.[12]

Legislative history

By the end of the 1800s, all states in the Union except Louisiana had therapeutic exceptions in their legislative bans on abortions.[13] In the 19th century, bans by state legislatures on abortion were about protecting the life of the mother given the number of deaths caused by abortions; state governments saw themselves as looking out for the lives of their citizens.[13] In the late 1960s and early 1970s, Arkansas, Colorado, Georgia, Maryland, New Mexico, North Carolina and Oregon made reforms to their abortion laws, with most of these states providing more detailed medical guidance on when therapeutic abortions could be performed.[13]

In 2013, state Targeted Regulation of Abortion Providers (TRAP) law applied to medication induced abortions in addition to abortion clinics.[14] Nebraska and North Carolina had laws prohibiting abortions after 20-weeks.[15] This law was still in place in mid-2019.[16]

Judicial history

The US Supreme Court's decision in 1973's Roe v. Wade ruling meant the state could no longer regulate abortion in the first trimester.[13] U.S. District Judge William Osteen formally struck down North Carolina's life of the mother only 20 week abortion ban in March 2019.  His judgement pushed the date of which abortions could be performed to the date of viability, which is later for many women.[17][18]

Clinic history

Number of abortion clinics in North Carolina by year.

Between 1982 and 1992, the number of abortion clinics in the state decreased by 28, going from 114 in 1982 to 86 in 1992.[19] In the period between 1992 and 1996, the state ranked second in the loss of number of abortion clinics, losing 27 to have a total of 59 in 1996.[20] In 2014, there were 27 facilities that provided abortions of which sixteen were abortion clinics.[21][22] In 2014, 90% of the counties in the state did not have an abortion clinic. That year, 53% of women in the state aged 15 – 44 lived in a county without an abortion clinic.[23] In 2017, there were nine Planned Parenthood clinics in a state with a population of 2,335,631 women aged 15 – 49 of which five offered abortion services.[24] In 2018, there was an abortion clinic in Charlotte .  Because of its location, it attracted women from South Carolina who were seeking abortions.[11]

Statistics

In the period between 1972 and 1974, the state had an illegal abortion mortality rate per million women aged 15 – 44 of between 1.1 and 1.9.[25] In 1990, 774,000 women in the state faced the risk of an unintended pregnancy.[19] In 2010, the state had 3 publicly funded abortions, of which were 3 federally funded and 0 were state funded.[26] The abortion rate in North Carolina increased between 2011 and 2014 by 3%.[22]

In 2013, among white women aged 15–19, there were  abortions 1110, 1380 abortions for black women aged 15–19, 310 abortions for Hispanic women aged 15–19, and 160 abortions for women of all other races.[27] In 2014, 49% of adults said in a poll by the Pew Research Center that abortion should be legal in all or most cases.[28] In 2017, the state had an infant mortality rate of 7.1 deaths per 1,000 live births.[9]

Number of reported abortions, abortion rate and percentage change in rate by geographic region and state in 1992, 1995 and 1996[20]
Census division and stateNumberRate% change 1992–1996
199219951996199219951996
South Atlantic269,200261,990263,60025.924.624.7–5
Delaware5,7305,7904,09035.234.424.1–32
District of Columbia21,32021,09020,790138.4151.7154.512
Florida84,68087,50094,0503030327
Georgia39,68036,94037,3202421.221.1–12
Maryland31,26030,52031,31026.425.626.30
North Carolina36,18034,60033,55022.42120.2–10
South Carolina12,19011,0209,94014.212.911.6–19
Virginia35,02031,48029,94022.72018.9–16
West Virginia3,1403,0502,6107.77.66.6–14
Number, rate, and ratio of reported abortions, by reporting area of residence and occurrence and by percentage of abortions obtained by out-of-state residents, US CDC estimates
LocationResidenceOccurrence% obtained by

out-of-state residents

YearRef
No.Rate^Ratio^^No.Rate^Ratio^^
North Carolina 36,180 22.4 1992 [20]
North Carolina 34,600 21 1995 [20]
North Carolina 33,550 20.2 1996 [20]
North Carolina21,38510.817724,60512.420314.52014[29]
North Carolina23,06611.619127,63113.922917.52015[30]
North Carolina 23,168 11.6 192 27,138 13.6 225 16.8 2016 [31]
^number of abortions per 1,000 women aged 15-44; ^^number of abortions per 1,000 live births


Abortion rights views activities

Activism

In May 2019, women from the state participated in the #YouKnowMe movement. Amanda Payne of Durham was one of the women from the state sharing her story, saying, "I probably would have had to drop out of high school. [...] My boyfriend, who ended up being my husband, he had low-paying jobs. We didn't have anything. I don't think my life would be what it is today if I had continued that pregnancy."[32]

Protests

Women from the state participated in marches supporting abortion rights as part of a #StoptheBans movement in May 2019.[33]

Anti-abortion views and activities

Anti-Abortion Chalking Outside Time Warner Cable Center in 2012 in Charlotte.

Violence

An incident of anti-abortion violence occurred at an abortion clinic in Greensboro, North Carolina on March 17, 1991.[34]

Notes

  1. According to the Supreme Court's decision in Roe v. Wade:
    (a) For the stage prior to approximately the end of the first trimester, the abortion decision and its effectuation must be left to the medical judgement of the pregnant woman's attending physician. (b) For the stage subsequent to approximately the end of the first trimester, the State, in promoting its interest in the health of the mother, may, if it chooses, regulate the abortion procedure in ways that are reasonably related to maternal health. (c) For the stage subsequent to viability, the State in promoting its interest in the potentiality of human life may, if it chooses, regulate, and even proscribe, abortion except where it is necessary, in appropriate medical judgement, for the preservation of the life or health of the mother.
    Likewise, Black's Law Dictionary defines abortion as "knowing destruction" or "intentional expulsion or removal".

References

  1. Watson, Katie (20 Dec 2019). "Why We Should Stop Using the Term "Elective Abortion"". AMA Journal of Ethics. 20: E1175-1180. doi:10.1001/amajethics.2018.1175. PMID 30585581. Retrieved 17 May 2019.
  2. Chamberlain, Pam; Hardisty, Jean (2007). "The Importance of the Political 'Framing' of Abortion". The Public Eye Magazine. 14 (1).
  3. "The Roberts Court Takes on Abortion". New York Times. November 5, 2006. Retrieved January 18, 2008.
  4. Brennan 'Dehumanizing the vulnerable' 2000
  5. Getek, Kathryn; Cunningham, Mark (February 1996). "A Sheep in Wolf's Clothing – Language and the Abortion Debate". Princeton Progressive Review.
  6. "Example of "anti-life" terminology" (PDF). Archived from the original (PDF) on 2011-07-27. Retrieved 2011-11-16.
  7. Goldstein, Norm, ed. The Associated Press Stylebook. Philadelphia: Basic Books, 2007.
  8. Castillo, Stephanie (2014-10-03). "States With More Abortion Restrictions Hurt Women's Health, Increase Risk For Maternal Death". Medical Daily. Retrieved 2019-05-27.
  9. "States pushing abortion bans have highest infant mortality rates". NBC News. Retrieved 2019-05-25.
  10. Tyler, C. W. (1983). "The public health implications of abortion". Annual Review of Public Health. 4: 223–258. doi:10.1146/annurev.pu.04.050183.001255. ISSN 0163-7525. PMID 6860439.
  11. lsausser@postandcourier.com, Lauren Sausser. "As national abortion rate drops, SC women increasingly terminate pregnancies elsewhere". Post and Courier. Retrieved 2019-05-26.
  12. Brownstein, Ronald (2019-05-23). "White Women Are Helping States Pass Abortion Restrictions". The Atlantic. Retrieved 2019-05-26.
  13. Buell, Samuel (1991-01-01). "Criminal Abortion Revisited". New York University Law Review. 66: 1774–1831.
  14. "TRAP Laws Gain Political Traction While Abortion Clinics—and the Women They Serve—Pay the Price". Guttmacher Institute. 2013-06-27. Retrieved 2019-05-27.
  15. "Abortion Laws". Findlaw. Retrieved 2019-05-23.
  16. Tavernise, Sabrina (2019-05-15). "'The Time Is Now': States Are Rushing to Restrict Abortion, or to Protect It". The New York Times. ISSN 0362-4331. Retrieved 2019-05-24.
  17. "North Carolina 20-Week Abortion Limit Formally Struck Down". Chapelboro.com. 2019-05-28. Retrieved 2019-05-28.
  18. "Federal judge ends North Carolina ban on abortions after 20 weeks". Reuters. 2019-03-26. Retrieved 2019-05-28.
  19. Arndorfer, Elizabeth; Michael, Jodi; Moskowitz, Laura; Grant, Juli A.; Siebel, Liza (December 1998). A State-By-State Review of Abortion and Reproductive Rights. DIANE Publishing. ISBN 9780788174810.
  20. "Abortion Incidence and Services in the United States, 1995-1996". Guttmacher Institute. 2005-06-15. Retrieved 2019-06-02.
  21. Gould, Rebecca Harrington, Skye. "The number of abortion clinics in the US has plunged in the last decade — here's how many are in each state". Business Insider. Retrieved 2019-05-23.
  22. "State Facts About Abortion: North Carolina". Guttmacher Institute. 2016-01-26. Retrieved 2019-05-28.
  23. businessinsider (2018-08-04). "This is what could happen if Roe v. Wade fell". Business Insider (in Spanish). Retrieved 2019-05-24.
  24. "Here's Where Women Have Less Access to Planned Parenthood". Retrieved 2019-05-23.
  25. Cates, Willard; Rochat, Roger (March 1976). "Illegal Abortions in the United States: 1972–1974". Family Planning Perspectives. 8 (2): 86. doi:10.2307/2133995. JSTOR 2133995. PMID 1269687.
  26. "Guttmacher Data Center". data.guttmacher.org. Retrieved 2019-05-24.
  27. "No. of abortions among women aged 15–19, by state of residence, 2013 by racial group". Guttmacher Data Center. Retrieved 2019-05-24.
  28. "Views about abortion by state - Religion in America: U.S. Religious Data, Demographics and Statistics". Pew Research Center. Retrieved 2019-05-23.
  29. Jatlaoui, Tara C. (2017). "Abortion Surveillance — United States, 2014". MMWR. Surveillance Summaries. 66 (24): 1–48. doi:10.15585/mmwr.ss6624a1. ISSN 1546-0738. PMID 29166366.
  30. Jatlaoui, Tara C. (2018). "Abortion Surveillance — United States, 2015". MMWR. Surveillance Summaries. 67 (13): 1–45. doi:10.15585/mmwr.ss6713a1. ISSN 1546-0738. PMC 6289084. PMID 30462632.
  31. Jatlaoui, Tara C. (2019). "Abortion Surveillance — United States, 2016". MMWR. Surveillance Summaries. 68. doi:10.15585/mmwr.ss6811a1. ISSN 1546-0738.
  32. "Text-Only NPR.org : Abortion Limits Carry Economic Cost For Women". text.npr.org. Retrieved 2019-05-25.
  33. Bacon, John. "Abortion rights supporters' voices thunder at #StopTheBans rallies across the nation". USA TODAY. Retrieved 2019-05-25.
  34. Jacobson, Mireille; Royer, Heather (December 2010). "Aftershocks: The Impact of Clinic Violence on Abortion Services". American Economic Journal: Applied Economics. 3: 189–223. doi:10.1257/app.3.1.189.
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