Herzegovina lobby

The Herzegovina lobby or Herzegovinian lobby (Bosnian and Croatian: Hercegovački lobi) is a disputed term that emerged in Croatia in the 1990s[1] for the alleged disproportional influence of Croats from the Herzegovina region of Bosnia and Herzegovina on the politics of Croatia.[2] At times it has been described it as a major factor in contemporary Croatian politics[3] and the most powerful lobby in Croatia,[4] it is also viewed as a stereotype,[5] pejorative,[6] and nonexistent.[2]

Proponents of the existence of such a lobby claim that it helped fund Croatia's war-time president Franjo Tuđman, his Croatian Democratic Union (HDZ) political party, and his involvement in the Bosnian War, during which the lobby openly advocated annexing Herzegovina.[7] During the Bosnian War, Croats in Herzegovina, were more interested in unifying with Croatia than being a part of an independent Bosniak-dominated Bosnia and Herzegovina. Due to the strength of the Herzegovina lobby in Zagreb, moderate Bosnian Croats were mostly ineffective in influencing Croatian foreign policy on Bosnia and Herzegovina. Many extremists from Herzegovina served in the Croatian police force and to participate in skirmishes with Serbs.[7] By late 1991 about 20,000 Croats in Bosnia and Herzegovina, mostly from the Herzegovina region, enlisted in the Croatian National Guard.[8]

The Herzegovina lobby's bonding in Croatia began with Tuđman's ouster of Stjepan Kljuić, the moderate and independent elected leader of the Bosnian branch of the HDZ, and replacement with Mate Boban.[9][10][11] Boban, who favored Croatia to annex Croat-inhabited parts of Bosnia and Herzegovina,[12][13] was in charge of advancing the lobby's agenda in Bosnia and Herzegovina.[14] A rift existed in the HDZ between Croats from ethnically mixed areas of central and northern Bosnia and those from Herzegovina.[15] After Croats in Bosnia and Herzegovina gained the ability to vote in Croatia's elections they played a growing role in the country's politics.[7] The approximately 365,000 Croats of Bosnia and Herzegovina consistently voted for the HDZ.[16] In the 1994 elections, the Croatian diaspora received twelve to fourteen of the 164 seats in the Croatian Parliament, significantly larger than its share of Croatia's population.[7] The lobby was accused of behaving in a Mafia-like manner due to their corruption and violence in Croatia.[17]

Gojko Šušak, who believed in a Greater Croatia,[3] played a vital role in funding the HDZ.[18] He was considered the leader of the Herzegovina lobby[19][20] and was "adept at tapping the purses of the tight-knit Herzegovinian community in the Americas, delivering millions of dollars worth of contributions to Tuđman's campaign." He provided the HDZ a critical advantage over the political opposition and for his efforts became the Croatian Minister of Defence.[21] Several other top positions within the HDZ government were also secured.[22] In his position he protected and promoted generals from Herzegovina in the Croatian Army[23] and acted as a "conduit" of Croatian support for Croat separatism in Bosnia and Herzegovina.[24] At its peak the amount of money from Croatia that funded the Croatian Defence Council surpassed $500,000 per day.[25] After Šušak's death in 1998, Ivić Pašalić took over as head of the lobby.[26] By 2000, about 300 million euros were transferred by the Croatian government into Herzegovina each year, mostly from the budget of the Ministries of Defence, Reconstruction, and Social Affairs.[27]

The existence of such a lobby has been widely criticized and described as a conspiracy theory,[28] as it "never existed, but was created as a figment of someone's imagination and the belief that the politicians in Zagreb originating from Herzegovina aided their homeland."[2] Croatian-American historian James J. Sadkovich wrote that "claims that the Croatian president was manipulated by Šušak and a "Herzegovina lobby" are as difficult to document as allegations that the Croatian diaspora made HDZ policy."[29] After the international recognition of Croatia in January 1992, the Herzegovinian identity in some media worsened and stereotype views were promoted.[1] Political opponents of Tuđman spread animosity towards Herzegovina and Herzegovinians. After a failed coup by Stjepan Mesić and Josip Manolić in the HDZ in 1993, Manolić accused the "Herzegovina lobby" for everything wrong in the party.[30] Such views were fueled by the weekly Feral Tribune which denigrated Herzegovina in its texts.[31] The anti-Herzegovinian hysteria reached a culmination on the eve and aftermath of the 2000 parliamentary election.[32] However, after 2000 the imposed stereotypes and usage of the term decreased.[1]

Notes

References

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  • Change in the Offing: The Shifting Political Scene in Croatia (PDF) (Report). International Crisis Group. 14 December 1998. Archived from the original (PDF) on 20 May 2016.
  • Cvijetić, Saša (31 January 2000). "Coffee With the President". Central Europe Review. 2 (4).
  • Dodig, Radoslav (2005). "Hercegovina ili esej o "zemlji na ćenaru" [Herzegovina or an essay about "a state on the ćenar"]. National security and the future. Zagreb, Croatia. 6 (3–4): 129–150.
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  • Grandits, Hannes (2016). "The Power of 'Armchair Politicians': Ethnic Loyalty and Political Factionalism among Herzegovinian Croats". In Bougarel, Xavier; Helms, Elissa; Duijzings, Gerlachlus. The New Bosnian Mosaic: Identities, Memories and Moral Claims in a Post-War Society. London: Routledge. pp. 101–122. ISBN 9781317023081.
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  • Katuranić, Vjeran (1995). "O tranziciji i staroj strukturi društvene moći" [On transition and the old structure of social power]. Journal for general social issues. Zagreb, Croatia: Faculty of Philosophy. 4 (2–3): 265–271.
  • Kifner, John (3 January 1994). "Croatia Threatens Direct Military Intervention in Bosnian Fighting". The New York Times.
  • Lučić, Ivo (2005). "Ima li Hercegovine? (Tko i zašto negira Hercegovinu i Hercegovce?)" [Is there a Herzegovina? (Who denies Herzegovina and Herzegovinians and why?)]. National security and the future. Zagreb, Croatia. 4 (2–3): 37–86.
  • Lukić, Reneo (2008). "Civil-Military Relations in Croatia, 1990-2005". In Ramet, Sabrina P.; Clewing, Konrad; Lukić, Reneo. Croatia since Independence: War, Politics, Society, Foreign Relations. Munich: Oldenbourg. pp. 189–210. ISBN 978-3-48658-043-3.
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  • Ramet, Sabrina P. (2006). The Three Yugoslavias: State-Building and Legitimation, 1918–2005. Bloomington: Indiana University Press. ISBN 978-0-253-34656-8.
  • Ramet, Sabrina P. (2010). "Politics in Croatia since 1990". In Ramet, Sabrina P. Central and Southeast European Politics Since 1989. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. pp. 258–285. ISBN 978-1-139-48750-4.
  • Sadkovich, James J. (January 2007). "Franjo Tuđman and the Muslim-Croat War of 1993". Review of Croatian History. Zagreb, Croatia: Croatian Institute of History. 2 (1): 204–245. ISSN 1845-4380.
  • Sadkovich, James J. (2010). Tuđman – Prva politička biografija (in Croatian). Zagreb: Večernji list. ISBN 978-953-7313-72-2.
  • Saideman, Stephen M.; Ayres, R. William (2012). For Kin or Country: Xenophobia, Nationalism, and War. New York: Columbia University Press. ISBN 9780231514491.
  • Søberg, Marius (2007). "Croatia since 1989: The HDZ and the Politics of Transition". In Ramet, Sabrina P.; Matić, Davorka. Democratic Transition in Croatia: Value Transformation, Education, and Media. College Station: Texas A&M University Press. pp. 31–62. ISBN 978-1-60344-452-1.
  • Toal, Gerard; Dahlman, Carl T. (2011). Bosnia Remade: Ethnic Cleansing and Its Reversal. New York: Oxford University Press. ISBN 978-0-19-973036-0.
  • "Who will lead Croatia after Tudjman?". BBC. 11 December 1999.
  • Jansen, Stef (4 February 2010). "Tko se boji bijelih čarapa?" (PDF). Zarez – dvotjednik za kulturna i društvena zbivanja.
  • "Priča o moći hercegovačkog lobija" [The story about the power of the Herzegovinian lobby]. Večernji list. 1 July 2005.
  • Grubišić, Petar (12 July 2006). "Manolićeva 'Hercegovina'" [Manolić's 'Herzegovina']. Večernji list.
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