Sergo Ordzhonikidze

The house where Ordjonikidze was born in Ghoresha, Georgia.

Ordzhonikidze was born in 1886 in Ghoresha, a village in the Kutais Governorate of the Russian Empire (now in the Imereti region of Georgia).[2] Named Grigol after his maternal grandfather, he was the second child of Konstantine Ordzhonikidze and Eupraxia Tavarashvili; he had an brother, Papulia. Ordzhonikidze's father Konstantine was a member of a small, impoverished Georgian noble family, while Eupraxia was a peasant.[3] Six weeks after Ordzhonikidze's birth, his mother died from an illness. Konstantine worked the family farm growing corn, but this was not enough to live on. He began working in Chiatura, a mining community, and drove manganese to Zestaponi, where it was refined.[2]

Unable to take care of his son, Konstantine sent him to live with aunt and uncle, David and Eka Ordzhonikidze, who also lived in Ghoresha. Konstantine would later marry Despine Gamtsemlidze and have three more children: Ivan (1889), Yulia (1890), and Konstantine (1896). Ordzhonikidze grew up in the household of David and Eka, but as they lived close to his father, Ordzhonikidze would frequently visit him. The elder Konstantine died when Ordzhonikidze was 10 years old, leaving him with David and Eka.[4] He completed school, had medical training to become an orderly, and worked briefly as a medical assistant.[5]

Ordzhonikidze joined the Russian Social Democratic Labour Party (RSDLP) in 1903 when he was 17 and worked for them in an underground printshop distributing leaflets for the Bolshevik faction of the party. By 1905 he was given more dangerous assignments and was arrested for the first time in December 1905 for transporting arms, spending several months in prison. Granted bail, he fled briefly to Germany to avoid trial, though soon returned to work in Baku.[6] There he helped organise the 1907 May Day parade and was arrested again.[7] He may also have been involved in the assassination of Ilia Chavchavadze on 12 September 1907, but there is no conclusive evidence to back this assertion.[8] While imprisoned, Ordzhonikidze shared a cell with a fellow Georgian revolutionary, Ioseb Jughashvili, who would later adopt the name Joseph Stalin. The two became close friends and spent their time playing backgammon and discussing politics.[9] After his fourth arrest, in November 1907, Ordzhonikidze was exiled to Siberia, though he fled after several months and came back to work in Baku. The Bolsheviks reassigned him to Persia to help with the revolutionary movement that was launched there in 1910.[6] However, the Bolsheviks were unable to gain sufficient support in Persia and Ordzhonikidze returned to Baku.[10]

In 1911, Ordzhonikidze traveled to Paris where he met Vladimir Lenin. He attended classes at the Longjumeau Party School, which had been set up to train Bolsheviks, though he left after a short time because of party in-fighting.[6] He was sent back to Russia to help prepare the Sixth RSDLP Conference, which was held in Prague, Austria-Hungary in January 1912.[11] At this meeting the Bolsheviks, the majority faction of the RSDLP and led by Lenin, confirmed themselves to be a distinct party; while they had nominally split from the RSDLP back in 1903, they formally remained part of it until the Prague Conference.[12] Ordzhonikidze was elected to the Central Committee and sent back to Russia to inform other Bolsheviks of the results of the Conference. He also visited Stalin, exiled in Vologda, and the two traveled back to the Caucasus, then to Saint Petersburg, where Ordzhonikidze was arrested once again in April 1912.[13]

Recognised by the authorities as a revolutionary, Ordzhonikidze was sentenced to three years at Schlüsselburg prison.[13] Late in 1915 he was sentenced to permanent exile in Yakutsk in eastern Siberia.[14] In September 1916, while exiled in Yakutsk, Ordzhonikdze met his wife Zinaida.[15] They were married in 1917 and would adopt a daughter, Eteri (born 1923).[16][17] In exile, Ordzhonikidze mainly spent his time reading; his favourites were Georgian classics as well as authors like Jack London, Lord Byron, and Fyodor Dostoevsky. He also was interested in statistics relating to the Russian economy, especially detailing the production of food and agriculture, as well as the works of Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels.[18]

Ordzhonikidze was still in Yakutsk when news of the February Revolution reached him. He quickly left for Petrograd (as Saint Petersburg had been named since 1914), reaching there by the end of May. Once in the city, Ordzhonikidze took on an active role in the revolution: historian Oleg Khlevniuk has noted that "he joined the Petrograd Bolshevik Committee, often addressed rallies, and carried out party work at the city's largest factories". In doing this, Ordzhonikidze became closely associated with both Lenin and Stalin. He returned briefly to Georgia for a visit but was back in Petrograd by October and was there for the October Revolution when the Bolsheviks seized power.[19]

The outbreak of the Russian Civil War in 1917 saw Ordzhonikidze appointed as the Bolsheviks' Commissar of Ukraine, South Russia, and the North Caucasus. In this role he saw action at the Battle of Tsaritsyn and the Western Front in Ukraine, but it was in the Caucasus that he was most active. Sent to Vladikavkaz in the North Caucasus in July 1918, Ordzhonikidze and other Bolsheviks had to flee to the mountains in August as the city was occupied by Cossacks.[20] While in hiding Ordzhonikidze led attempts to convince Cossack soldiers to abandon their officers and join the Bolsheviks, but was not successful.[21] Ordzhonikidze also organized meetings with the local Chechen and Ingush population and urged them to join, arguing that the soviet (council) system was not unlike that used by the Chechens.[22] This proved successful, and with Ingush help the Bolsheviks re-conquered Vladikavkaz in mid-August.[20]

By late 1918 Ordzhonikidze effectively controlled every Bolshevik organ within the North Caucasus and surrounding region: "the Crimea, Don, Kuban, Terek, Dagestan Oblasts, Stavropol, and Black Sea Gubernias, and the Black Sea Fleet", as historian Stephen Blank has noted, was subordinate to him.[23] Ordzhonikidze earned a reputation as a brutal leader and would order the arrest or execution of many opponents associated with the Mensheviks, Socialist Revolutionaries, or any other group fighting the Bolsheviks.[20]

To help co-ordinate control over the region, the Central Committee in Petrograd authorised the formation of the Caucasian Bureau (Kavbiuro) on 8 April 1920. It was tasked with establishing Bolshevik rule over the Caucasus (both the North, which was nominally under Bolshevik control, and the South Caucasus, which were the independent states of Armenia, Azerbaijan, and Georgia), and assisting other revolutionary movements in the region. Ordzhonikidze was named the chairman of the Kavbiuro, while Sergei Kirov was made vice-chairman.[24] Ordzhonikidze was also given a position on the Revolutionary Military Council of the Caucasian Front and named Chairman of the North Caucasus Revolutionary Committee.[25]

Orjonikidze's telegram to Lenin and Stalin: "The Red Flag of Soviet power flies over Tiflis..." This marked the consolidation of Bolshevik control in the South Caucasus.

In the aftermath of the Russian Revolution of 1917, the South Caucasus had broken away from Russia, and by mid-1918 was three independent states: Armenia, Azerbaijan, and Georgia.[26] Bolshevik activity in the region was limited, with only the city of Baku under Bolshevik control at that point.[27] With vast deposits of oil in the region around Baku, it was of vital importance to the Bolsheviks that they control it and have a domestic supply of oil.[28] After consolidating control in the North Caucasus, Lenin issued an order on 17 March 1920 to Ordzhonikidze to prepare for an invasion of Azerbaijan.[29]

Using the pretext of a local Bolshevik uprising in Azerbaijan, Ordzhonikidze ordered the Eleventh Army to invade on 27 April 1920; with most of the Azerbaijani army fighting Armenia in Nagorno-Karabakh, Baku was occupied by the Bolsheviks by 23:00 that night.[30][31] The ease with which Azerbaijan was occupied emboldened Ordzhonikidze, and he began making preparations to launch similar invasions of Armenia and Georgia and supported a failed coup attempt in Georgia on 2–3 May.[32] However, it was not until 27 November that he was given approval from both Lenin and Stalin to prepare the Eleventh Army to invade Armenia, which was launched the next day.[33] Already weakened from earlier regional conflicts, Armenia was unable to put up any resistance and surrendered on 2 December.[34]

There was serious discussion among the Bolshevik leadership on how to best approach Georgia, the remaining state outside of their control. While Ordzhonikidze wanted to repeat his earlier actions and invade, he was opposed by the Central Committee; Lenin, in particular, favoured a peaceful approach, noting the considerable strength of the Mensheviks within Georgia and the Bolsheviks' weak position.[35] By early February 1921 Lenin had relented somewhat, and consented to Ordzhonikidze leading the Eleventh Army into Georgia, which was to support a local Bolshevik uprising.[36] Concerned about gaining the support of the Georgian populace, Lenin sent Ordzhonikidze a telegram outlining a policy to be implemented, which included seeking a compromise with the Menshevik leadership.[37] The invasion of Georgia began on 15 February.[38] The Georgians put up a strong fight but were unable to stop the Bolsheviks, and on 25 February they occupied the capital Tiflis (now Tbilisi). Ordzhonikidze sent a telegram to Lenin and Stalin with the news, stating, "The proletarian flag flies over Tiflis!"[39] In recognition of his work in the Caucasus, Ordzhonikidze was awarded the Order of the Red Banner, and the Order of Red Banner of the Azerbaijani SSR in 1921.[40]

After the occupation of the South Caucasus, Ordzhonikidze took an active role in establishing Bolshevik authority of the region, with Georgia in particular requiring considerable work due to the strong opposition to the Bolsheviks there.[41][42] As the head of the Kavbiuro, Ordzhonikdze was the nominal leader of the Bolsheviks in Georgia but had to work with the local leadership, which was split between Filipp Makharadze and Budu Mdivani.[43] Owing to his years of service as an organizer and theorist Makharadze was well-respected among the Georgian Bolsheviks, while Mdviani was a strong proponent of Georgian national sentiment, which was not as popular.[44] This led to a clash between the two parties, especially as Ordzhonikidze would ignore the advice of the Georgians, who were familiar with the situation within the country.[45]

Ordzhonikidze and Stalin, both natives of Georgia, were concerned about the nationalism displayed by the Georgian Mensheviks, who were initially allowed to work with the Bolsheviks. They saw Georgian nationalism as serious a threat as Great Russian chauvinism, in that both variants dominated over ethnic minorities within their regions (Georgia over the Abkhazians and Ossetians, Russia over several ethnic groups).[46] Thus they wanted to bring Georgia into a union with the Russian Soviet Republic as soon as possible to eliminate any nationalist tendencies. However, Lenin was also concerned about moving too quickly: independent Georgia had started to gain support among European states, and with the weak international position of the Bolsheviks, the possibility of an uprising or civil war was a serious threat.[47]

Not wanting to allow this dispute to become public, the Central Committee largely stood behind Ordzhonikidze and allowed him to implement policies as he saw fit.[48] This involved uniting the three states of the South Caucasus into one federation, which he argued was the best option both militarily and economically, especially as it would make union with Russia simpler.[46] In April 1921 the railways, post and telegraph, and foreign trade of Armenia, Azerbaijan, and Georgia were merged; further economic ties, notably the removal of customs barriers, were made throughout May and June, which caused resentment among the Georgian Bolsheviks.[49][50]

Tensions remained high until November, when the Kavbiuro announced that the three states would be united into the Transcaucasian Socialist Federative Soviet Republic (TSFSR).[49] This caused an uproar among the Georgians, who protested that such a move was premature; their arguments delayed the formation of the federation until March 1922.[51] This dispute, which later became known as the Georgian Affair, also delayed the creation of the Soviet Union, which was not proclaimed until December 1922.[52] From the formation of the TSFSR until 1926, Ordzhonikidze would serve as its First Secretary, the leader of the state.[53]

Ordzhonikidze's concerns about the low productivity within the NKTP and the Soviet economy as a whole led to the launch of the Stakhanovite movement in 1935.[84] Concerned about productivity in two key sectors, metallurgy and coal mining, which had both had seen consistent shortages, despite efforts to increase output, Ordzhonikidze took an active role in improving performance. While metallurgical production was starting to improve, coal mining was not. Ordzhonikidze looked for ways to solve the issue, paying particular attention to the Donbass, a region of Ukraine that was the main centre of Soviet coal production.[85]

Based on Ordzhonikidze's goal of improving coal output, in late August 1935 the Central Irmino mine, which had been producing below its quota, decided to have one miner overachieve his quota as a means to encourage all workers. To ensure things went smoothly, the selected miner would secretly be given assistance, though for appearances he would seem to work alone.[86] Alexey Stakhanov was chosen for the task, and on the night of 30–31 August he mined a reported 102 tons of coal, 14 times his quota (though with the assistance of two helpers it worked out to just over five times his regular output).[87]

Stakhanov's achievement, a Union record for a single night of mining, was reported as a small news item in the 2 September edition of Pravda, the official paper of the Party.[88] It was there that Ordzhonikidze first learned of it and decided to make Stakhanov a symbol of a new program.[89] On 6 September Stakhanov's record was made a front-page story in Pravda, alongside fellow minors who had also set new records in the meantime.[88] Ordzhonikidze praised the work of Stakhanov and encouraged other workers, not just miners, to follow his example and exceed their expected quotas.[90]

Though the Stakhanovite movement led to increased production and enthusiasm both at the official and worker level, results fell short of expectations. To prove themselves, workers and managers falsified quotas, and the increased speed led to a significant increase in workplace accidents. Indeed, coal production in the Donbass actually declined throughout 1936, leading to an official acknowledgement in a 7 June 1936 Pravda article that the Stahankovite movement had not worked out.[91] Despite this setback, Ordzhonikidze was recognised for his efforts at the NKTP with the Order of Lenin and Order of Red Banner of Labour.[92]

Early in Ordzhonikidze's tenure at the NKTP saw the downfall of Vissarion Lominadze, a fellow Georgian and an ally of Ordzhonikidze. Lominadze had been expelled from the Party previously for his role in the Syrtsov-Lominadze Affair, where along with Sergei Syrtsov, he had been accused of "factionalism" in 1930, when the two had opposed collectivization of agriculture.[97] After returning to Georgia, Lominadze was brought back into a leadership role by Ordzhonikidze, who helped him become the Party Secretary in Magnitogorsk.[98] A wave of arrests of wreckers in January 1935 made Lominadze realise he would soon be targeted; to avoid this, he shot himself on 18 January, and died the next day.[99] Though Stalin did not bring up the incident initially, in December 1936 he attacked Ordzhonikidze for having secret correspondence with Lominadze prior to his suicide and then failing to disclose it to the Politburo. Stalin was also angry Ordzhonikidze had been sending a pension to Lominadze's wife and son (who was named Sergo in his honour).[100]

Georgy Pyatakov, Ordzhonikidze's deputy at the NKTP, also found himself in trouble. Back in 1921, Ordzhonikidze and Pyatakov had been political enemies, though they soon resolved their differences and established a strong working relationship. Pyatakov followed Ordzhonikidze to Vesenkha in 1930 and remained his top deputy when it became the NKTP.[80] As Khlevniuk notes, Ordzhonikidze valued Pyatakov for his "intelligence and organizational abilities" and "well understood ... that his own success as commissar of heavy industry owed much to his first deputy commissar".[101]

However, earlier in his career, Pyatakov had worked with Leon Trotsky, Stalin's main rival for leadership of the Bolsheviks throughout the 1920s. Though Pyatakov had been rehabilitated, by 1936 the NKVD, the Soviet secret police, were collecting materials on him.[102] Pyatakov was arrested on 12 September 1936 and charged with being part of a conspiracy to overthrow the Soviet government.[103][104] Pyatakov gave forced confessions to the charges, and while Ordzhonikidze never gave a statement on the matter, Khlevniuk noted that their long association together would give Ordzhonikidze "substantial grounds" to doubt their veracity.[105] Pyatakov was executed in January 1937.[106]

Ordzhonikidze's older brother, Papulia (Russified as Pavel), had also been an active revolutionary and Bolshevik.[14] Ordzhonikidze was instrumental in finding Papulia a position with the Transcaucasian Railway.[107] Papulia was frequently criticized for his work, and in 1932 this criticism was made public, forcing him to take up another position.[108] In November 1936, Papulia was arrested on unspecified charges. Ordzhonikidze learned of the arrest during a party for his 50th birthday, and was so upset at the news that he refused to attend the celebration.[109]

Ordzhonikidze reached out to Beria and asked for his help in freeing Papulia. Beria had been a former protege of Ordzhonikidze, and the two had worked together for years: Ordzhonikidze shielded Beria from attacks from other Bolsheviks, and in return Beria kept him updated on events throughout the Caucasus.[110][111] Beria had even named his son "Sergo" in honour of Ordzhonikidze.[112] Their relationship had changed in the 1930s as Beria rose to become the First Secretary of the Transcaucasus; he grew to resent being treated as a subordinate to Ordzhonikidze and wanted to be respected as an equal.[113]

Beria offered to look into Papulia's arrest, though as he was the dominant figure in the region it is unlikely the arrest was made without his consent; whether Beria ordered the arrest or did so on the behest of Stalin is unknown. Khlevniuk suspected that Beria would not have turned on Ordzhonikidze without Stalin's instruction.[114] The stress of his brother's arrest had a serious effect on Ordzhonikidze's already frail health, leading to heart failure. He reached out to Stalin for help but was refused. Stalin's refusal to help further damaged the relationship between the two.[115]

Immediately after Ordzhonikidze's death was announced, the cause of death was disputed. Exiled Mensheviks publicized the idea that Stalin was the reason behind the death, either directly ordering Ordzhonikidze's death, or forcing him to kill himself.[128] The recent arrests of figures within the NKTP also gave currency to these rumours, suggesting Ordzhonikidze would be targeted next.[129] Some Old Bolsheviks insisted he was killed, though details from Zinaida and others refuted any plausible explanation for a murder.[130] Khlevniuk has suggested that Ordzhonikidze was reluctant to openly challenge Stalin regarding wrecking in the NKTP, and instead only wanted to change his mind on the subject, and that instances of wreckers were highly exaggerated. Even to do that would take a massive toll on Ordzhonikidze's health, which was already in a weakened state.[131] That several other Bolsheviks had committed suicide over political affairs previously also gave credence to the idea that Ordzhonikidze killed himself.[132] That details of Ordzhonikidze's death were not widely discussed within the Soviet Union until Nikita Khrushchev gave his "Secret Speech" criticizing Stalinism in 1956 also helped keep rumours of a targeted killing alive. In the speech Khrushchev suggested Ordzhonikidze shot himself because of the stress from Stalin's persecutions.[133]

Ordzhonikidze's family was targeted in the aftermath of his death. Papulia was tortured and eventually shot in November 1937, while his wife Nina was arrested and sentenced to ten years imprisonment on 29 March 1938, and re-sentenced to death on 14 June.[134][135] His other brother, Konstantine, was also arrested and sent to the Gulag before being executed, along with his nephew Gvakharia, while Zinaida was sentenced to ten years in the camps.[136] Zinaida was released in 1956 and lived a relatively quiet life afterwards.[134] She published a memoir of Ordzhonikidze's life that was first released in 1956, and died in 1960.[16][137]

Throughout his time in the Caucasus, Ordzhonikidze was known as a difficult commander. Historian Alex Marshall noted that he was controversial for "his authoritarian tendencies and propensity for forming personal alliance networks".[138] Near the end of 1920 a Cheka (secret police) representative had asked for Ordzhonikidze to be replaced, accusing him of policy errors, specifically his appointing nationalists to positions of authority, which went against Bolshevik policy that frowned upon nationalism.[139] At the Tenth Party Congress, held in March 1921, there were calls to not have Ordzhonikidze re-elected; delegates from the North Caucasus stated Ordzhonikidze, who was unable to attend due to the invasion of Georgia, "yells at everyone, orders everyone around him, ignores the opinions of loyal party members".[140] However, he was defended by Lenin and Stalin, with the former revealing Ordzhonikidze was deaf in one ear so had to shout, even at Lenin himself, in order to hear himself. With this backing, the critiques of Ordzhonikidze's leadership style were downplayed and he was re-elected as a delegate.[141]

During the invasions of Azerbaijan, Armenia, and Georgia, Ordzhonikidze also tended to act independently. He would often ignore any advice, including that from the leadership in Moscow, and would only listen to those close to him.[44] During the invasion of Georgia, he would make demands from Moscow, rather than ask for assistance, and ignored calls to work with local Georgian Bolsheviks, which served to cause tension between them and Ordzhonikidze.[142]

Throughout his adult life, Ordzhonikidze suffered from severe health issues. After his death a medical bulletin reported he had sclerosis and had tuberculosis earlier in his life, which led to the removal of his left kidney in 1929. He had also dealt with stenocardia and cardiac asthma for two years prior to his death, with a serious bout of asthma in November 1936.[125] In 1928 he had spent several weeks in Germany for unspecified medical treatments.[143] Due to his health issues, in January 1936, the Politburo had forced Ordzhonikidze to limit his schedule and take more time off from his duties.[144]