Glorious Revolution

Prior to the 1638-1651 Wars of the Three Kingdoms, the vast majority of the English supported monarchy and belonged to the Church of England, even if they disagreed with aspects of doctrine. In 1649, Charles I was executed and replaced with the Commonwealth, a republic dominated by religious Independents such as Oliver Cromwell, who opposed any state-ordered religion. After the church was restored in 1660, the 1662 Act of Uniformity enforced greater consistency and expelled more than 2,000 Dissenting clergy.[13] Radicals such as Algernon Sidney and Henry Neville ensured that republican ideas retained visibility out of proportion to their numbers and increased fears of 'disorder'.[14]

The 1679-1681 Exclusion Crisis broadly split the English political class into those who wanted to 'exclude' James from the throne, or Whigs, and their opponents, or Tories. Many Whigs feared the consequences of bypassing James, while Tory support was conditional on preserving the primacy of the Church of England. Both saw it as a short-term issue; his second marriage remained childless and the heirs were his Protestant daughters, Mary and Anne.[15]

Political radical Algernon Sidney, whose 1683 execution ensured visibility for his ideas and increased fears of potential disorder

These distinctions were largely absent in Scotland, where support was more broadly based. In 1681 the Parliament of Scotland passed the Succession Act, which confirmed the duty of all to support the natural heir, 'regardless of religion.' The Act explicitly stated that one aim was to make James' exclusion from the English throne impossible without '...the fatall and dreadfull consequences of a civil war.'[16]

Over 95 percent of Scots belonged to the Church of Scotland or kirk, and apart from 1653–1660, other Protestant sects like Congregationalists were barred.[17] 'Episcopalian' and 'Presbyterian' now imply differences in doctrine, but in the 17th century, the terms related to structure. 'Episcopalian' meant governance by bishops, usually appointed by the monarch, while Presbyterian meant rule by Elders, nominated by congregations.[18] Conflict concerned the exercise of authority, but doctrine remained broadly similar, regardless of changes in governance.[19] Unlike the Church of England, the kirk was Calvinist in doctrine; even its bishops viewed many English practices as essentially Catholic.[20]

His Catholicism made James more popular in Ireland, but religion was only one issue; the Church of Ireland was a minority, even among Irish Protestants, and the penal laws were loosely enforced.[21] A bigger concern was the percentage of Irish lands owned by Catholics, which fell from 90 percent in 1600 to 22 percent by 1685. The 1662 Settlement benefited only a few large landowners, including James and his Lord Deputy Tyrconnell, who had little interest in changing them. Catholic and Protestant merchants alike objected to the reimposition of commercial restrictions, which prevented them from trading directly with North America and imposed tariffs on Irish exports.[22]

These issues and his response gradually destabilised each of James' kingdoms. Many supported him in 1685 for fear of civil war if he were bypassed; by 1688, it seemed only his removal could prevent one.

James' attempts to allow tolerance for English Catholics coincided with the October 1685 Edict of Fontainebleau revoking it for French Protestants

The first Stuart monarch, James VI and I, created a vision of a centralised state, run by a monarch whose authority came from God and where the function of Parliament, bishops or elders was to obey.[23] His successors ruled without Parliament for long periods, using the Royal Prerogative instead; legislation passed in this way could be withdrawn as and when the king decided.[24]

17th century society was extremely structured, and most Tories viewed James' Catholicism as less important than the principle of hereditary succession. In addition, he had sworn to uphold the supremacy of the Church of England in an age when such things mattered. Five of the seven bishops prosecuted in 1688 refused to swear allegiance to William and Mary, because they felt bound by their previous oath. Tolerance was viewed as undermining this principle and Parliament refused to approve, despite being "the most Loyal Parliament a Stuart ever had".[25]

Catholicism in general was associated with the absolutist policies of Louis XIV, while the Edict of Fontainebleau in October 1685 revoked tolerance for French Protestants. Over the next four years, an estimated 200,000 – 400,000 French Huguenots went into exile, 40,000 of whom settled in London.[26] Combined with the killing of 2,000 Vaudois Protestants in 1686, the edict led to fears that Protestant Europe was threatened by a Catholic counter-reformation.[27]

These concerns were reinforced by events in Ireland. Talbot wanted to create a Catholic establishment able to survive James' death, which meant replacing Protestant officials, but at a pace that was inherently destabilising. For many, land reform was as important as religion; it divided the Catholic Old English elite such as Talbot, who benefited from the 1662 Land Settlement, and the Gaelic Irish, who largely did not.[28] These tensions resurfaced in the 1689 Patriot Parliament, which many Jacobites criticised as failing to meet the needs of all Irish Catholics.[29]

Historians generally accept that James wished to promote Catholicism, not establish an absolutist state, but his stubborn and inflexible reaction to opposition had the same result. When the English and Scottish Parliaments refused to repeal the 1678 and 1681 Test Acts, he dismissed them and ruled by decree. His attempts to form a 'King's party' of Catholics, English Dissenters and dissident Scottish Presbyterians rewarded those who backed the 1685 rebellions, while undermining those who had supported him.[30]

His supporters wanted stability and the rule of law, but James often appeared to undermine them. After suspending Parliament in November 1685, he sought to rule by decree or 'dispense'; judges who disagreed were dismissed and his right confirmed in April 1686. The principle was well established; the scope and approach caused considerable concern.[31]

The Seven Bishops prosecuted for seditious libel in 1688; five later refused to swear allegiance to William & Mary

This was followed by actions viewed as attacks on the Church of England; Henry Compton, Bishop of London, was suspended for refusing to ban John Sharp from preaching after he gave an anti-Catholic sermon.[32] The Commission for Ecclesiastical Causes, set up to regulate the church included suspected Catholics, like the Earl of Huntingdon.[33]

In addition, James frequently made things worse by an inability to accept opposition. In April 1687, he ordered the fellows of Magdalen College, Oxford to elect Anthony Farmer as President. His right to do so was not challenged, but Farmer was ineligible under the college statutes, and John Hough was elected instead. Farmer withdrew, and Hough was replaced by the Bishop of Oxford, but James also demanded that the fellows apologise for 'defying' him; when they refused, they were replaced by Catholics.[34]

Creating a 'Kings Party' of Catholics and Dissenters ignored the fact that neither group was significant in numbers; by 1680, Catholics formed 1.1 percent of the English population, Dissenters 4.4 percent.[35] In Scotland the numbers were even lower; combined with 'occasional conformity', this meant in practice private worship was already tolerated.[36] Both groups were also divided; moderate Catholics feared a potential backlash, particularly when thousands of French Huguenot refugees arrived in London. Among the Dissenters Quakers and Congregationalists supported repeal of the Test Acts; others wanted to amend the 1662 Act of Uniformity and re-enter the Church of England.[37]

Mary of Modena, whose pregnancy in October 1687 created the possibility of a Catholic dynasty

Even those who benefited did not trust James; in 1687, he nominated the Dissenter Sir John Shorter as Lord Mayor of London. Before taking office, Sir John insisted on complying with the Test Act, even taking Anglican communion; he reportedly did so due to a 'distrust of the King's favour...thus encouraging that which His Majesties whole Endeavours were intended to disannull.'[38]

To ensure a Parliament that would vote for his Declaration of Indulgence, James made sweeping changes to local government, the power base for many Tories. Candidates for Members of Parliament had to be approved by their local Lord Lieutenant; eligibility for both offices required positive answers to the 'Three Questions', including a commitment to repeal the Test Act, and those giving negative answers dismissed.[39] James relied on an increasingly narrow support base; government positions and town corporations were purged to create an electoral machine that would return only supporters of Royal authority.[40] Finally, on 24 August 1688, James ordered writs issued for a general election.[41]

The expansion of the military in all three kingdoms caused great concern, particularly in England and Scotland, where the civil war left huge resistance to standing armies.[42] In Ireland Talbot replaced Protestant officers with Catholics; James did the same in England, while his basing the troops at Hounslow appeared to be a deliberate attempt to overawe Parliament.[43] By 1688 the army numbered over 34,000 men; for comparison: the Tory-dominated Parliament of 1698 approved an army of 7,000.

In April 1688 James re-issued the Declaration of Indulgence and ordered it read in every church; when the Archbishop of Canterbury, head of the Church of England, and six other bishops asked him to reconsider, they were arrested on charges of seditious libel and confined in the Tower of London. Two events turned dissent into a crisis; the birth of James Francis Edward on 10 June created the prospect of a Catholic dynasty, while the acquittal of the Seven Bishops on 30th destroyed James' political authority.[44]

French Huguenot refugees, October 1685; their expulsion was one in a series of events creating the sense Protestant Europe was under threat

In 1677, James' daughter and heir Mary married her Protestant cousin William of Orange, stadtholder of the main provinces of the Dutch Republic. Both men shared common objectives in wishing to see Mary succeed her father, while French ambitions in the Spanish Netherlands threatened both English and Dutch trade.[45] This led William to lend James the Anglo-Scots Brigade during the 1685 Monmouth Rebellion but their relationship deteriorated thereafter.[46]

While the States General preferred peace, memories of the 1672 French invasion and murder of the de Witt brothers meant they accepted that war might be inevitable. Dutch public opinion also began to move in that direction, largely due to the October 1685 expulsion of French Protestants or Huguenots, which sent an estimated 200,000 into exile. Followed by the killing of around 2,000 Vaudois Protestants in 1686, this stoked fears that Protestant Europe was threatened by a Catholic counter-reformation.[27] Frederick William invited Huguenot refugees to settle in Brandenburg and replaced his French alliance for one with the Dutch, who now joined the anti-French League of Augsburg.[47]

The 1672 lynching of the De Witt brothers was a reminder to Dutch politicians of the price of failing to defend the Republic

The Dutch believed they could not resist a combined Anglo-French attack and were reluctant to rely on James' assurances of neutrality.[48] Mutual suspicion was increased by the fact that many of William's advisers were English and Scots exiles, the latter with close links to the Protestant minority in Ireland, who felt particularly threatened by a Catholic resurgence. James relied on an ever-smaller circle of counsellors, chiefly the Earl of Sunderland and Catholic converts such as Melfort and Perth.[49] After a naval clash with the French in July 1686, William concluded that neutrality was insufficient and that the Republic needed active support from the Royal Navy.[50]

When James sought William's support for repeal of the Test Acts, he predictably refused, further damaging their relationship.[51] Having assumed his marriage guaranteed English support in a war with France, William began to fear it might even be used against him. James assured Everhard van Weede Dijkvelt that rumours of a French alliance were false, but failed to appreciate the distrust caused by his domestic policies.[52] In August 1687, William's cousin de Zuylestein travelled to England with condolences on the death of Mary of Modena's mother, allowing him to make contact with the political opposition.[53]

After fourteen years of marriage and multiple miscarriages, in October it was announced the Queen was pregnant. Melfort immediately declared that it was a boy, while James sent his daughter Mary a letter urging her to convert to Catholicism; this convinced many he was seeking a Catholic heir, one way or the other.[54] It is suggested this was the key factor in William's decision to invade England.[55]

Dutch herring fleet; French tariffs on this lucrative trade provided William with domestic support for military intervention

Early in 1688, a pamphlet titled The Letter circulated in England, composed by Grand Pensionary Gaspar Fagel, who handled the Dutch foreign affairs.[56] This claimed to be a response to arguments in support of repeal by James Stewart; a Presbyterian radical and exile, in 1692 he was appointed Lord Advocate by William and was almost certainly a double agent.[57] Fagel guaranteed freedom of worship but retained the Test Acts, which many Dissenters viewed as essential and undercut James, who offered tolerance but only in return for repeal.[58] English supporters provided William with detailed information on public opinion and developments, very little of which was intercepted.[59]

With a European war inevitable, securing or neutralising English resources was vital for both the Dutch and French. In April 1688, Louis XIV announced new tariffs on Dutch herring imports and plans to support the Royal Navy in the Channel. This was largely a gesture, as it required moving units from the Mediterranean, but viewing it as the prelude to a formal alliance between England and France, William and his supporters began to prepare a military intervention.[60] On the pretext of fighting French privateers, in July the States General approved recruiting an additional 9,000 sailors and construction of 21 new warships.[61]

William laid careful plans over a number of months for an invasion, which he hoped to execute in September 1688. William would not invade England without assurances of English support, and so in April, he asked for a formal invitation to be issued by a group of leading English statesmen. Gilbert Burnet recorded a conversation at the end of April between William and Admiral Edward Russell:

So Russell put the Prince to explain himself what he intended to do. The Prince answered, that, if he was invited by some men of the best interest, and the most valued in the nation, who should both in their own name, and in the name of others who trusted them, invite him to come and rescue the nation and the religion, he believed he could be ready by the end of September to come over.

— Gilbert Burnet.[62]

Henry Sydney, author of the Invitation to William, which was signed by six noblemen (both Whigs and Tories) and one bishop. He has been described as "the great wheel on which the Revolution rolled".[53]

In May, Russell told William that the English opposition to James would not wait any longer for help and they would rise against James in any event. William feared that if he did not now head the conspiracy the English would set up a republic, even more inimical to the Dutch state.[63] In June, William sent Count Zuylestein to England, ostensibly to congratulate James on the birth of the Prince of Wales but in reality to communicate with William's associates.[64]

Only after the Prince of Wales had been born in June, however, and many suspected he was supposititious,[lower-alpha 1] did the Immortal Seven (who consisted of one bishop and six nobles) decide to comply, with the letter to William dated 18 June (Julian calendar),[lower-alpha 2] reaching him in The Hague on 30 June, and dispatched by Rear Admiral Herbert, disguised as a common sailor. The Seven consisted of Lord Shrewsbury, Lord Devonshire, Lord Danby, Lord Lumley, Henry Compton, Edward Russell, and Henry Sydney. The invitation declared:

We have great reason to believe, we shall be every day in a worse condition than we are, and less able to defend ourselves, and therefore we do earnestly wish we might be so happy as to find a remedy before it be too late for us to contribute to our own deliverance ... the people are so generally dissatisfied with the present conduct of the government, in relation to their religion, liberties and properties (all which have been greatly invaded), and they are in such expectation of their prospects being daily worse, that your Highness may be assured, there are nineteen parts of twenty of the people throughout the kingdom, who are desirous of a change; and who, we believe, would willingly contribute to it, if they had such a protection to countenance their rising, as would secure them from being destroyed.

— invitation by The Seven.[65]

The Seven went on to claim that "much the greatest part of the nobility and gentry" were dissatisfied and would rally to William, and that James's army "would be very much divided among themselves; many of the officers being so discontented that they continue in their service only for a subsistence ... and very many of the common soldiers do daily shew such an aversion to the Popish religion, that there is the greatest probability imaginable of great numbers of deserters ... and amongst the seamen, it is almost certain, there is not one in ten who would do them any service in such a war".[66] The Seven believed that the situation would be much worse before another year due to James's plans to remodel the army by the means of a packed Parliament or, should the parliamentary route fail, through violent means which would "prevent all possible means of relieving ourselves".[67] The Seven also promised to rally to William upon his landing in England and would "do all that lies in our power to prepare others to be in as much readiness as such an action is capable of".[68]

Meanwhile, William's confidante Willem Bentinck launched a propaganda campaign in England. In the numerous pamphlets distributed, William was presented in the best possible light; as a true Stuart yet blessedly free from the usual Stuart vices of crypto-Catholicism, absolutism, and debauchery. Much of the later "spontaneous" support for William had been carefully organised by Bentinck and his agents.[69]

In August, it became clear that William had surprisingly strong support within the English army, a situation brought about by James himself. In January 1688 he had forbidden any of his subjects to serve the Dutch and had demanded that the Republic dissolve its six mercenary Scottish and English regiments. When this was refused, he asked that at least those willing would be released from their martial oath to be free to return to Britain. To this William consented as it would purify his army of Jacobite elements. In total 104 officers and 44 soldiers returned. The officers were enlisted within the British armies and so favoured that the established officer corps began to fear for its position. On 14 August Lord Churchill wrote to William: "I owe it to God and my country to put my honour into the hands of Your Highness". Nothing comparable happened within the Royal Navy, however; claims after the event by certain captains that they had somehow prevented the English fleet from engaging seem to have been little more than attempts at self-aggrandisement.[70]

Equestrian portrait of William III by Jan Wyck, commemorating the landing at Brixham, Torbay, 5 November 1688

The Dutch preparations, though carried out with great speed, could not remain secret. The English envoy Ignatius White, the Marquess d'Albeville, warned his country: "an absolute conquest is intended under the specious and ordinary pretences of religion, liberty, property and a free Parliament". Louis XIV threatened the Dutch with an immediate declaration of war, should they carry out their plans. Embarkations, started on 22 September (Gregorian calendar), had been completed on 8 October, and the expedition was that day openly approved by the States of Holland; the same day James issued a proclamation to the English nation that it should prepare for a Dutch invasion to ward off conquest. On 30 September/10 October (Julian/Gregorian calendars) William issued the Declaration of The Hague (actually written by Fagel), of which 60,000 copies of the English translation by Gilbert Burnet were distributed after the landing in England,[96][97] in which he assured that his only aim was to maintain the Protestant religion, install a free parliament and investigate the legitimacy of the Prince of Wales. He would respect the position of James. William declared:

It is both certain and evident to all men, that the public peace and happiness of any state or kingdom cannot be preserved, where the Laws, Liberties, and Customs, established by the lawful authority in it, are openly transgressed and annulled; more especially where the alteration of Religion is endeavoured, and that a religion, which is contrary to law, is endeavoured to be introduced; upon which those who are most immediately concerned in it are indispensably bound to endeavour to preserve and maintain the established Laws, Liberties and customs, and, above all, the Religion and Worship of God, that is established among them; and to take such an effectual care, that the inhabitants of the said state or kingdom may neither be deprived of their Religion, nor of their Civil Rights.

— William of Orange.[98]

William went on to condemn James's advisers for overturning the religion, laws, and liberties of England, Scotland, and Ireland by the use of the suspending and dispensing power; the establishment of the "manifestly illegal" commission for ecclesiastical causes and its use to suspend the Bishop of London and to remove the Fellows of Magdalen College, Oxford. William also condemned James's attempt to repeal the Test Acts and the penal laws through pressuring individuals and waging an assault on parliamentary boroughs, as well as his purging of the judiciary. James's attempt to pack Parliament was in danger of removing "the last and great remedy for all those evils". "Therefore", William continued, "we have thought fit to go over to England, and to carry over with us a force sufficient, by the blessing of God, to defend us from the violence of those evil Counsellors ... this our Expedition is intended for no other design, but to have, a free and lawful Parliament assembled as soon as is possible".[99]

On 4/14 October William responded to the allegations by James in a second declaration, denying any intention to become king or conquer England. Whether he had any at that moment is still controversial.[100]

The swiftness of the embarkations surprised all foreign observers. Louis had in fact delayed his threats against the Dutch until early September because he assumed it then would be too late in the season to set the expedition in motion anyway, if their reaction proved negative; typically such an enterprise would take at least some months.[101] Being ready after the last week of September / first week of October would normally have meant that the Dutch could have profited from the last spell of good weather, as the autumn storms tend to begin in the third week of that month. This year they came early however. For three weeks the invasion fleet was prevented by adverse south-westerly gales from departing from the naval port of Hellevoetsluis and Catholics all over the Netherlands and the British kingdoms held prayer sessions that this "popish wind" might endure. However, on 14/24 October it became the famous "Protestant Wind" by turning to the east.[102]

On 16/26 October William boarded his ship, the Den Briel (Brill in English). His standard was hoisted, displaying the arms of Nassau quartered with those of England. The words Pro Religione et Libertate ("For Liberty and [the Protestant] Religion"), the slogan of William's ancestor William the Silent while leading the Dutch Revolt against Catholic Spain, were shown next to the House of Orange's motto, Je maintiendrai ("I will maintain").[103] William's fleet, which with about 40,000 men aboard was roughly twice the size of the Spanish Armada – and assembled in a tenth of the time – consisted of 463 ships.[101] Among these were 49 warships of more than twenty cannon (eight could count as third rates of 60–68 cannon, nine were frigates), 28 galliots, nine fireships, 76 fluyts to carry the soldiers, 120 small transports to carry five thousand horses, about seventy supply vessels and sixty fishing vessels serving as landing craft.[104][105] Most of the warships had been provided by the Admiralty of Amsterdam. On 19/29 October William's fleet departed from Hellevoetsluis. The fleet was approximately halfway between the Republic and England when the wind changed to the northwest and a gale scattered the fleet, with the Brill returning to Hellevoetsluis on 21/31 October. Despite suffering from sea-sickness William refused to go ashore and the fleet reassembled, having lost only one ship that grounded,[106] though about a thousand crippled horses had been thrown into the sea.[107] Press reports were released that deliberately exaggerated the damage and claimed the expedition would be postponed till the spring.[108] English naval command now considered to try blockading Hellevoetsluis but decided against it because it was feared that the English fleet would founder on the Dutch coast, a dangerous lee shore for a blocking force, by the stormy weather.[109]

Taking advantage of a wind again turned to the east, resupplied and re-equipped with new horses, the invasion fleet departed again on 1/11 November and sailed north in the direction of Harwich where Bentinck had a landing site prepared. The fleet changed course to the south however when the wind turned more to the north; it has been suggested that the initial move to the north was a feint and indeed James diverted some of his forces in that direction.[108] Thus they passed twice in sight of the English fleet, which was unable to intercept because of the adverse wind and an unfavourable tide.[70] On 3/13 November the invasion fleet entered the English Channel through the Strait of Dover in an enormous square formation, 25 ships deep, the right and left of the fleet saluting Dover and Calais simultaneously, to show off its size. The troops were lined up on deck, firing musket volleys, with full colours flying and the military bands playing. Rapin de Thoyras, who was on board one of the ships, described it as the most magnificent and affecting spectacle that was ever seen by human eyes. William intended to land at Torbay but due to fog the fleet sailed past it by mistake. The wind made a return impossible and Plymouth was unsuitable as it had a garrison. At this point, with the English fleet in pursuit, Russell told Burnet: "You may go to prayers, Doctor. All is over". At that moment however the wind changed and the fog lifted, enabling the fleet to sail into Torbay, near Brixham, Devon. William came ashore on 5/15 November.[110] When Burnet was ashore he hastened to William and eagerly enquired what William now intended to do. William regarded the interference in military matters by non-military personnel with disgust but he was in good humour at this moment and responded with a delicate reproof: "Well, Doctor, what do you think of predestination now?"[111] The English squadron under Lord Dartmouth was forced by the same change in wind to shelter in Portsmouth harbour.[111] During the next two days William's army disembarked in calm weather.[70]

William brought over 11,212 horse and foot. William's cavalry and dragoons amounted to 3,660.[112] His artillery train contained 21 24-pounder cannon. Including the supply train, his force consisted of about 15,000 men,[113] compared to James's total forces of about 30,000.[114][115] He also brought 20,000 stand of arms to equip his English supporters.[104] The Dutch army was composed mostly of foreign mercenaries; there were Dutch, Scots, English, German, Swiss, and Swedish regiments, even Laplanders[101] as well as "200 Blacks brought from the Plantations of the Netherlands in America",[116] thus from the colony of Surinam. Many of the mercenaries were Catholic.[117] William had his personal guard regiment with him, the Dutch Blue Guards. In response to the threat James had raised five new regiments of foot and five of horse, as well as bringing in Scottish and Irish soldiers. Louis XIV also sent James 300,000 livres.[118]

The French fleet remained at the time concentrated in the Mediterranean, to assist a possible attack on the Papal State.[101] Louis delayed his declaration of war until 16/26 November hoping at first that their involvement in a protracted English civil war would keep the Dutch from interfering with his German campaign. The same day a second attempt by Legge to attack the landing site again failed by an adverse southwestern gale.[70] The Dutch call their fleet action the Glorieuze Overtocht, the "Glorious Crossing".[119]

William considered his veteran army to be sufficient in size to defeat any forces (all rather inexperienced) that James could throw against him, but it had been decided to avoid the hazards of battle and maintain a defensive attitude in the hope James's position might collapse by itself. Thus he landed far away from James's army, expecting that his English allies would take the initiative in acting against James while he ensured his own protection against potential attacks. William was prepared to wait; he had paid his troops in advance for a three-month campaign. A slow advance, apart from being necessitated by heavy rainfall anyway, had the added benefit of not over-extending the supply lines; the Dutch troops were under strict orders not even to forage, for fear that this would degenerate into plundering, which would alienate the population.

On 9 November (Julian calendar) William took Exeter after the magistrates had fled the city, entering on a white palfrey, with the two hundred black men forming a guard of honour, dressed in white, with turbans and feathers.[120] In the South support from the local gentry was disappointingly limited,[121] but from 12 November, in the North, many nobles began to declare for William, as they had promised, often by a public reading of the Declaration.[122] In Yorkshire, printer John White started to print the same document for a more widespread distribution.[123] However, in the first weeks most people carefully avoided taking sides; as a whole the nation neither rallied behind its king, nor welcomed William, but passively awaited the outcome of events. In general, the mood was one of confusion, mutual distrust and depression.[121]

In the night of 9/10 December, the Queen and the Prince of Wales fled for France. The next day saw James's attempt to escape, the King dropping the Great Seal in the Thames along the way, as no lawful Parliament could be summoned without it.[129] However, he was captured on 11 December by fishermen in Faversham opposite Sheerness, the town on the Isle of Sheppey. On the same day, 27 Lords Spiritual and Temporal, forming a provisional government, decided to ask William to restore order but at the same time asked the king to return to London to reach an agreement with his son-in-law. It was presided over initially by William Sancroft, Archbishop of Canterbury and, after it was learned that James was still in England, by George Savile, 1st Marquess of Halifax.[130][127] On the night of 11 December there were riots and lootings of the houses of Catholics and several foreign embassies of Catholic countries in London. The following night a mass panic gripped London during what was later termed the Irish night. False rumours of an impending Irish army attack on London circulated in the capital, and a mob of over 100,000 assembled ready to defend the city.

Upon returning to London on 16 December, James was welcomed by cheering crowds. He took heart at this and attempted to recommence government, even presiding over a meeting of the Privy Council.[131][lower-alpha 5] He sent the Earl of Feversham to William to arrange for a personal meeting to continue negotiations. Now it became evident that William had no longer any desire to keep James in power in England. He was extremely dismayed by the arrival of Lord Feversham. He refused the suggestion that he simply arrest James because this would violate his own declarations and burden his relationship with his wife. In the end it was decided that he should exploit James's fears; the three original commissioners were sent back to James with the message that William felt he could no longer guarantee the king's well-being and that James for his own safety had better leave London for Ham.

William at the same time ordered all English troops to depart from the capital, while his forces entered on 17 December; no local forces were allowed within a twenty-mile radius until the spring of 1690. Already the English navy had declared for William. James, by his own choice, went under Dutch protective guard to Rochester in Kent on 18 December, just as William entered London, cheered by crowds dressed in orange ribbons or waving, lavishly distributed, oranges.[132] The Dutch officers had been ordered that "if he [James] wanted to leave, they should not prevent him, but allow him to gently slip through".[133] James then left for France on 23 December after having received a request from his wife to join her, even though his followers urged him to stay. The lax guard on James and the decision to allow him so near the coast indicate that William may have hoped that a successful flight would avoid the difficulty of deciding what to do with him, especially with the memory of the execution of Charles I still strong. By fleeing, James ultimately helped resolve the awkward question of whether he was still the legal king or not, having created according to many a situation of interregnum.[129]

The proposal to draw up a statement of rights and liberties and James's invasion of them was first made on 29 January in the Commons, with members arguing that the House "can not answer it to the nation or Prince of Orange till we declare what are the rights invaded" and that William "cannot take it ill if we make conditions to secure ourselves for the future" to "do justice to those who sent us hither". On 2 February a committee specially convened reported to the Commons 23 Heads of Grievances, which the Commons approved and added some of their own. However, on 4 February the Commons decided to instruct the committee to differentiate between "such of the general heads, as are introductory of new laws, from those that are declaratory of ancient rights". On 7 February the Commons approved this revised Declaration of Right, and on 8 February instructed the committee to put into a single text the Declaration (with the heads which were "introductory of new laws" removed), the resolution of 28 January and the Lords' proposal for a revised oath of allegiance. It passed the Commons without division.[140]

The Declaration of Right was in December 1689 enacted in an Act of Parliament, the Bill of Rights 1689. It listed twelve of James's policies by which James designed to "endeavour to subvert and extirpate the protestant religion, and the laws and liberties of this kingdom".[141] These were:

• by assuming and exercising a power of dispensing with and suspending of laws;
• by prosecuting the Seven Bishops;
• by establishing of the court of commissioners for ecclesiastical causes;
• by levying money for the crown by pretence of prerogative than the same was granted by Parliament;
• by raising and maintaining a standing army in peacetime without the consent of Parliament;
• by disarming Protestants and arming Catholics contrary to law;
• by violating the election of members to serve in Parliament;
• by prosecuting in the King's Bench for matters cognisable only in Parliament and "divers other arbitrary and illegal courses";
• by employing unqualified persons to serve on juries;
• by requiring an excessive bail for persons committed in criminal cases;
• by imposing excessive fines and "illegal and cruel punishments inflicted";
• by making "several grants and promises made of fines and forfeitures before any conviction or judgment against the person, upon whom the same were to be levied".[142]

The Bill of Rights also vindicated and asserted the nation's "ancient rights and liberties" by declaring:

• the pretended power to dispense with or suspend Acts of Parliament is illegal;
• the commission for ecclesiastical causes is illegal;
• levying money without the consent of Parliament is illegal;
• it is the right of the subject to petition the king and prosecutions for petitioning are illegal;
• maintaining a standing army in peacetime without the consent of Parliament is illegal;
• Protestant subjects "may have arms for their defence suitable to their conditions, and allowed by law";
• the election of members of Parliament ought to be free;
• that freedom of speech and debates in Parliament "ought not to be impeached or questioned in any court or place out of Parliament";
• excessive bail and fines not required and "cruel and unusual punishments" not to be inflicted;
• jurors in high treason trials ought to be freeholders;
• that promises of fines and forfeitures before conviction are illegal;
• that Parliament ought to be held frequently.[143]

On 13 February the clerk of the House of Lords read the Declaration of Right, and Halifax, in the name of all the estates of the realm, asked William and Mary to accept the throne. William replied for his wife and himself: "We thankfully accept what you have offered us". They then went in procession to the great gate at Whitehall. The Garter King at Arms proclaimed them King and Queen of England, France and Ireland, whereupon they adjourned to the Chapel Royal, with Compton preaching the sermon.[144] They were crowned on 11 April, swearing an oath to uphold the laws made by Parliament. The Coronation Oath Act 1688 had provided a new coronation oath, whereby the monarchs were to "solemnly promise and swear to govern the people of this kingdom of England, and the dominions thereunto belonging, according to the statutes in parliament agreed on, and the laws and customs of the same". They were also to maintain the laws of God, the true profession of the Gospel, and the Protestant Reformed faith established by law.[145]

Parliament House, where the Convention of Estates met in March 1689

While Scotland played no part in the landing and there was little enthusiasm for William and Mary, by November 1688 only a tiny minority actively supported James.[146] Many of William's advisors were Scots, including Lord Melville, the Duke of Argyll, William Carstares, his personal chaplain and Gilbert Burnet. News of James's flight led to celebrations and anti-Catholic riots in Edinburgh and Glasgow. Most members of the Scottish Privy Council went to London; on 7 January 1689, they asked William to take over government. Elections were held in March for a Scottish Convention, which was also a contest between Presbyterians and Episcopalians for control of the kirk. While only 50 of the 125 delegates were classed as Episcopalian, they were hopeful of victory since William supported the retention of bishops.[147]

However, on 16 March a Letter from James was read out to the Convention, demanding obedience and threatening punishment for non-compliance. Public anger at its tone meant some Episcopalians stopped attending the Convention, claiming to fear for their safety and others changed sides.[148] The 1689–1691 Jacobite Rising forced William to make concessions to the Presbyterians, ended Episcopacy in Scotland and excluded a significant portion of the political class. Many later returned to the kirk but Non-Juring Episcopalianism was the key determinant of Jacobite support in both 1715 and 1745.[149]

The English Parliament held James 'abandoned' his throne; the Convention argued he 'forfeited' it by his actions, as listed in the Articles of Grievances.[150] On 11 April, the Convention ended James' reign and adopted the Articles of Grievances and the Claim of Right Act, making Parliament the primary legislative power in Scotland.[151] On 11 May, William and Mary accepted the Crown of Scotland; after their acceptance, the Claim and the Articles were read aloud, leading to an immediate debate over whether or not an endorsement of these documents was implicit in that acceptance.[152]

Under the 1542 Crown of Ireland Act, the English monarch was automatically king of Ireland as well. Tyrconnell had created a largely Catholic army and administration which was reinforced in March 1689 when James landed in Ireland with French military support; it took two years of fighting before the new regime controlled Ireland.

Having England as an ally meant that the military situation of the Republic was strongly improved, but this very fact induced William to be uncompromising in his position towards France. This policy led to a large number of very expensive campaigns which were largely paid for with Dutch funds. In 1712 the Republic was financially exhausted; it withdrew from international politics and was forced to let its fleet deteriorate, making what was by then the Kingdom of Great Britain the dominant maritime power of the world. The Dutch economy, already burdened by the high national debt and concomitant high taxation, suffered from the other European states' protectionist policies, which its weakened fleet was no longer able to resist. To make matters worse, the main Dutch trading and banking houses moved much of their activity from Amsterdam to London after 1688. Between 1688 and 1720, world trade dominance shifted from the Republic to Britain.[153]