Siamese coup d'état of 1947

The Siamese coup d'état of 1947 (Thai: รัฐประหาร 8 พฤศจิกายน พ.ศ. 2490) was a Thai coup d'état that took place on the evening of 7 November 1947, ending in the early morning hours of 8 November. The coup ousted the government of Rear Admiral Thawan Thamrongnawasawat, who was replaced by Khuang Aphaiwong as Prime Minister of Thailand. The coup was led by Lieutenant-General Phin Chunhawan and Colonel Kat Katsongkhram.

Siamese coup d'état of 1947
Date7-8 November 1947
Location
Result Increase of military influence.
Belligerents
Royal Siamese Government Coup Group
Commanders and leaders
Thawan Thamrongnawasawat
Pridi Banomyong
Phin Chunhawan
Kat Katsongkhram
Field Marshal Phibun was returned to political prominence in the coup's aftermath.

Background

On 1 August 1944, as the Allies were winning the Second World War, the pro-Japanese strongman Field Marshal Plaek Phibunsongkhram {better known in the West as "Phibun") was forced by parliament to resign his premiership. He was replaced by Khuang Aphaiwong, a civilian who had the backing of Pridi Phanomyong, regent for the absent King Ananda Mahidol and head of the Seri Thai underground resistance. For the next three years civilian cabinets, led behind the scenes by Pridi, governed the kingdom.[1]

For a brief while the various elements of the anti-Phibun coalition – Pridi and his supporters in the bureaucracy, politicians from the northeast, and conservative royalists – retained their unity. All hoped to see constitutional government succeed, and all feared a resurgence of the military.[1] Having established a civilian government, Khuang resigned in August 1945 to make way for a better qualified person to negotiate with the allies.[2] The most obvious choice was the leader of the US-supported Seri Thai, Seni Pramot, who Pridi invited to become prime minister.[3]

In January 1946, Seni resigned and asked for the dissolution of parliament to pave the way for elections.[2] Khuang and his new royalist allies were elected to power. But because Pridi chose to support Direk Chaiyanam as his personal candidate, Khuang included none of the former regent's allies in his cabinet, but placed many of his opponents, including Seni.[4] Pridi's followers immediately sought revenge, continually harassing the government, further intensifying the bitterness between themselves and the conservatives. Within six weeks Khuang abruptly resigned, forcing Pridi to reluctantly step in and risk his personal prestige.[1][5] Up until the resignation of his wartime ally, Pridi had enjoyed the prestige of his position as a senior statesman without having to involve himself in everyday politics.[1] Pridi's failure to control inflation tarnished his reputation for competence, while official corruption bedeviled his governments.[1]

On 9 June 1946, the 20 year-old King Ananda Mahidol, who had restored popularity to the monarchy,[5] was found dead in his bedroom of a gunshot wound to the head. Khuang, Seni, and the royalists who dominated their newly formed Democrat Party were quick to blame Pridi, spreading the rumour that the prime minister and his supporters had assassinated the monarch for their own political purposes and possibly to establish a republic.[1][6][4][5] Conservative newspapers criticised the government for failing to protect the monarch, provoking Pridi to use repressive measures: he declared a state of emergency, censored newspapers, and arrested two editors and two opposition MPs.[1]

In an attempt to preserve his political influence, Pridi resigned on 21 August 1946. He was replaced five days later by Rear Admiral Thamrong, who would serve as Pridi's front man.[2]

Prelude

Rear Admiral Thamrong’s government was soon engulfed in scandals.

Thamrong privately confided to US Ambassador Edwin F. Stanton that the evidence gathered during investigations of the regicide implicated King Bhumibol in the late king's death.[7] In a declassified US State Department memo, Ambassador Stanton noted: "Luang Thamrong said speaking quite confidentially the evidence which was accumulated while he was Prime Minister tended to implicate the present young King, but that he would never have dared to hint by any official action that such was the case."

Luang Thamrong noted that Bhumibol would probably abdicate if it was revealed that he was involved in the regicide and that this would cause "confusion and wild intrigue". Those next in the line of succession to the throne, Prince Chumbhotbongs Paribatra and Prince Bhanubandhu Yugala, were both unpopular and he thought they would probably not be able to ascend to the throne. Luang Thamrong doubted whether the murder would ever be cleared up inasmuch as he felt Siam could not dispense with the monarchy.

Thamrong's government was also faced with charges of corruption, stemming from a government program to hand out free shovels and spades to rural farmers. The farming equipment brought and handed out was sub-standard, leading to charges of corruption and embezzlement by the public. The scandal became known as the "eating from shovels scandal" (Thai:กินจอบกินเสียม). This, and other scandals, led to a debate, called for by the Democrats, and a vote of no confidence, which Thamrong survived.

When asked by a journalist the prime minister joked that he was, "already sleeping for a coup" [Google translate: "Alreading lying in wait for the revolution."] (Thai: "ก็นอนรอการปฏิวัติอยู่แล้ว"), confident at the time that he had the backing of the military, especially the army. He was wrong.

The plotters

The coup was led by Lieutenant General Phin Choonhavan and Colonel Kard Kardsonggram. Other members of the group were: Police General Phao Sriyanond (Thai: เผ่า ศรียานนท์), Colonel Sarit Dhanarajata (Thai: สฤษดิ์ ธนะรัชต์), Colonel Thanom Kittikachorn (Thai: ถนอม กิตติขจร), and Lieutenant Colonel Praphas Charusathien (Thai: ประภาส จารุเสถียร), Captain Chatichai Choonhavan (Thai: ชาติชาย ชุณหะวัณ) (the leader’s son). They called themselves the "National Soldier's Committee" (Thai: คณะทหารแห่งชาติ).

The coup

The plotters planned the coup to begin at 05:00 on 8 November. Their plot, however, was discovered days earlier by the commander-in-chief of the army who, in an effort to thwart the attempt, ordered all senior officers to report for duty at army headquarters immediately. The plotters accordingly changed their plan to start the coup at 23:00 on 7 November instead.

They began by sending a squadron of tanks to Amphorn Gardens (Thai: สวนอัมพร) near the centre of government. They immediately arrested Prime Minister Thamrong and held him hostage. Another tank squadron went to search for Pridi. After arriving at his riverside residence they found that he has escaped (he was told of the plot beforehand by an informant), leaving only his wife and children who were arrested. Unbeknownst to them, Pridi was hiding under the protection of Admiral Luang Sinthusongkramchai (Thai: หลวงสินธุสงครามชัย), commander of the Royal Thai Navy at his base.

On the morning of 8 November, General Choonhavan read a declaration to the press and broadcast by radio outlining the plotter's reasoning. They claimed they were right to remove the government as people were suffering under high prices and the general lack of foods and goods. This they considered a grievous lack of competence by the government. Finally they reckoned that the government was unable to solve the problem and must be removed by force. During the speech he cried profusely and was dubbed sarcastically by the press as the "hero of tears" (Thai: วีรบุรุษเจ้าน้ำตา), or the "crying patriot" (Thai: บุรุษผู้รักชาติจนน้ำตาไหล).

The National Soldier's Committee then called for Khuang, the Leader of the Opposition to take over as prime minister. He assumed the position on 12 November, becoming prime minister for the third time. The committee set up their own legislative assembly called the "Council of Ministers of the Assembly" (Thai: คณะรัฐมนตรีสภา), making a deal with Khaung that, if he stayed out of their business, they would stay out of his.

On 25 November 1947, Prince Rangsit of Chainant the Regent of Siam signed a provisional charter or the Constitution of 1947. King Bhumibol, who was studying in Lausanne, Switzerland at the time endorsed him.

On 29 January 1948 elections were held in which Khuang and his party won the majority of the votes and seats in the new assembly. Later Khuang was confirmed as prime minister. But on 6 April, the committee, under the leadership of Kardsonggram, forced Khuang to resign his post. They instead invited Field Marshal Phibun to return to the post. He became prime minister for the second time on 8 April 1948.

Legacy

Pridi escaped the plotters and went into exile, never to return.

The most obvious legacy of the coup was the reinstatement of Phibun and his dictatorship. The coup also increased the role of the Royal Thai Army, and gave it a model of how to carry out coups in the future. Henceforth, under the pretext of saving the nation, the military would topple any democratic government it pleased. The coup elicited little response from the populace. The Democrat Party remained in opposition until 1975. Phibun would resume his dictatorship and rule until 1957. The plotters from then on were known as the Coup Group.

The coup inadvertently led to the draft and signing of the 1949 Constitution. The most Royalist constitution to date, it gave the monarchy back almost all of the powers that were taken away from it by the 1932 Revolution.

The coup also brought an end to Pridi's career and any dreams his supporters might have of his resuming the premiership. On 20 November 1948 Pridi was spirited out of the country by British and American agents never to return to Thailand. He died in Paris in 1983, aged 83.

The coup proved to be a stepping stone for three individuals involved, whose names would later become common in the politics of Thailand. They would all become prime ministers and two of them would go on to one day lead coups of their own. They were, Sarit Dhanarajata, Thanom Kittikachorn, and Chatichai Choonhavan.

See also

References

  1. Daniel Fineman. A Special Relationship: The United States and Military Government in Thailand. Hawaii University Press (1997).
  2. Thak Chaloemtiarana. Thailand: The Politics of Despotic Paternalism. Silkworm Books (2007).
  3. Royal Thai Government Gazette, Vol. 62, 11 October 1945
  4. E. Bruce Reynolds. Thailand's Secret War. Cambridge University Press (2005).
  5. Judith A. Stowe. Siam becomes Thailand: A Story of Intrigue. C. Hurst & Co. Publishers (1991).
  6. Paul M. Handley. The King Never Smiles. Yale University Press (2006).
  7. American Embassy Bangkok, "Confidential Memorandum of Discussion between Prime Minister Luang Thamrong Nawasawat and Ambassador Edwin F. Stanton", , 31 March 1948
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