Impossible Subjects

Ngai explains the purpose of the book saying, "immigrants are integral to the historical processes that define and redefine the nation."[6] She breaks the introduction into three sections which are "Immigration and Citizenship," "Immigration Policy and the Production of Racial Knowledge," and "Nationalism and Sovereignty." She also begins to discuss several immigration laws that were enacted throughout the history of the U.S. including the Johnson-Reed Act of 1924. Lastly, she says that she does not want to resolve the problems of immigration policy, but rather to inform the reader of how flexible legislation and public opinion are. She frequently underlines how immigration laws created new race categories and were aimed at maintaining whiteness.[7]

Chapter one gives a detailed description of the context and lead up to the restrictive immigration laws that are subsequently covered in the book. It talks about how anti-immigrant nativist groups, influenced by an ending industrial revolution that negated the need for a constant source of cheap labor (among other factors), began demanding and passing tough immigration laws that restricted or sometimes outright banned immigration from European and Asian countries. The chapter talks about how the national law that came from this sentiment, known as the Johnson-Reed Act of 1924, divided European peoples into differing levels of "whiteness" defined by nationality and based their quotas on that. Ngai includes a table of the U.S. immigration quotas based on national origin (beginning on July 1, 1929) for the purpose of showing how the United States divided Europeans and non-Europeans into these differing levels of "whiteness." Ngai goes on to explain how Asians, most of whom were outright banned, took their cases to court but the bans however, remained law. This was all backed up by science and defined legal terminology, but both the scientific community and the supposedly definitive courts remained in dispute trying to justify their actions. The chapter ends by talking about how Mexicans and other Americans south of the United States were left unaffected by this law which, as their agricultural labor was still necessary, deemed them "white". Nevertheless, nativists would now turn their attention to them.

“Deportation Policy” provides a look at the laws and actions against illegal aliens in the United States following the passage of the 1924 Johnson-Reed Act and how these actions framed illegal aliens as “impossible subjects.” Within this chapter, Ngai discusses some of the moral outrage these new policies inspired. Ngai specifically looks at how immigrants were ranked in terms of social desirability to determine their deportation status, which also highlighted the racial undertones that existed in a political and legal context in the United States. She also shows how ideas of eugenics and morality were used to justify the deportation of illegal aliens to their homeland. Ngai’s work in this chapter helps to explain how Mexicans were defined as the “iconic illegal alien.”

Following the Spanish–American War the United States acquired the Philippines as a colony. Justified by imperial thinking, and social Darwinism the West Pacific became viewed as means for expansion. The Philippines was denied statehood, through the legality of the Insular Cases, and viewed as uncooperative, and incapable of self-rule by American imperialists. Filipinos were thus granted limited rights based on their colonial status. However, because of this colonial status Filipinos were able to migrate to the United States regardless of quotas or exclusionary acts. During the 1920s there was the mass migration of Filipinos to major metropolitan areas. Throughout World War I employers recruited Filipino workers to work in mainland America.

As a result of this increase in the Filipino population was backlash, official efforts encouraged Filipinos to stay (or return to) the Philippines. However, within the 1920s Filipinos replaced Japanese farmers (who now faced quotas because of the immigration act of 1924) and found employment within the service sector on the West Coast. However, Filipinos faced retaliation by whites who claimed Filipinos were saturating the agricultural section with cheap labor (and taking their jobs). Many Filipinos faced Anti-Filipino attacks, and institutionalized disregard for their safety and well-being. Filipinos faced wage discrimination.

Within Chapter Four: "Braceros, 'Wetbacks,' and the National Boundaries of Class", Ngai provides a chronological explanation on the buildup and beginnings of the bracero program, its difficulties, racial implications, and issues with illegal immigration over the span of two decades. Ngai explains the development of the modern Mexican-America class, a group that "did not belong," plagued by racial mistreatment, stereotypes, and threat detainment, interrogation, and deportation.[8] Explained in depth are the policies and actions of the INS in regards to carrying out repatriation towards Mexican migrants, especially in regards to Operation Wetback.