Culture war

A culture war is a cultural conflict between social groups and the struggle for dominance of their values, beliefs, and practices.[1] It commonly refers to hot-button topics on which there is general societal disagreement and polarization in societal values is seen.

For the "culture war" between the German state and the Roman Catholic Church in the 1870s, see Kulturkampf.

Rally for Proposition 8, an item on the 2008 California ballot to ban same-sex marriage

The term is commonly used to describe contemporary politics in the United States,[2] with issues such as abortion, homosexuality, pornography, multiculturalism, and other cultural conflicts based on values, morality, and lifestyle being described as the major political cleavage.[2]

Origins
Bismarck (left) and the Pope, from the German satirical magazine Kladderadatsch, 1875

The phrase "culture war" represents a loan translation (calque) from the German Kulturkampf. The German word Kulturkampf (culture struggle) refers to the clash between cultural and religious groups in the campaign from 1871 to 1878 under Chancellor Otto von Bismarck of the German Empire against the influence of the Roman Catholic Church.[3] The translation was printed in some American newspapers at the time.[4]

United States
Further information: Ethnocultural politics in the United States

The expression "culture war" was published occasionally in American newspapers during the 20th century,[5][6] but only joined the vocabulary of United States politics with the publication of Culture Wars: The Struggle to Define America by James Davison Hunter in 1991. Hunter perceived a dramatic realignment and polarization that had transformed United States politics and culture, including the issues of abortion, federal and state gun laws, immigration, separation of church and state, privacy, recreational drug use, gay and lesbian rights, and censorship.

In American usage the term "culture war" may imply a conflict between those values considered traditionalist or conservative and those considered progressive or liberal. It originated in the 1920s when urban and rural American values came into clear conflict.[7] This followed several decades of immigration to the States by people who earlier European immigrants considered "alien". It was also a result of the cultural shifts and modernizing trends of the Roaring 20s, culminating in the presidential campaign of Al Smith[8] in 1928. However, James Davison Hunter's 1991 book Culture Wars: The Struggle to Define America redefined the "culture war" in the United States of America. Hunter traces the concept to the 1960s.[9] The perceived focus of the American culture war and its definition have taken various forms since then.[10]

1990s

James Davison Hunter, a sociologist at the University of Virginia, introduced the expression again in his 1991 publication, Culture Wars: The Struggle to Define America. Hunter described what he saw as a dramatic realignment and polarization that had transformed American politics and culture.

He argued that on an increasing number of "hot-button" defining issues—abortion, gun politics, separation of church and state, privacy, recreational drug use, homosexuality, censorship—there existed two definable polarities. Furthermore, not only were there a number of divisive issues, but society had divided along essentially the same lines on these issues, so as to constitute two warring groups, defined primarily not by nominal religion, ethnicity, social class, or even political affiliation, but rather by ideological world-views.

Hunter characterized this polarity as stemming from opposite impulses, toward what he referred to as Progressivism and as Orthodoxy. Others have adopted the dichotomy with varying labels. For example, Bill O'Reilly, a conservative political commentator and former host of the Fox News talk show The O'Reilly Factor, emphasizes differences between "Secular-Progressives" and "Traditionalists" in his 2006 book Culture Warrior.[11][12]

Patrick Buchanan in 2008

During the 1992 presidential election, commentator Pat Buchanan mounted a campaign for the Republican nomination for president against incumbent George H. W. Bush. In a prime-time slot at the 1992 Republican National Convention, Buchanan gave his speech on the culture war.[13] He argued: "There is a religious war going on in our country for the soul of America. It is a cultural war, as critical to the kind of nation we will one day be as was the Cold War itself."[14] In addition to criticizing environmentalists and feminism, he portrayed public morality as a defining issue:

The agenda [Bill] Clinton and [Hillary] Clinton would impose on America—abortion on demand, a litmus test for the Supreme Court, homosexual rights, discrimination against religious schools, women in combat units—that's change, all right. But it is not the kind of change America wants. It is not the kind of change America needs. And it is not the kind of change we can tolerate in a nation that we still call God's country.[14]

A month later, Buchanan characterized the conflict as about power over society's definition of right and wrong. He named abortion, sexual orientation and popular culture as major fronts—and mentioned other controversies, including clashes over the Confederate flag, Christmas and taxpayer-funded art. He also said that the negative attention his "culture war" speech received was itself evidence of America's polarization.[15]

The culture war had significant impact on national politics in the 1990s.[10] The rhetoric of the Christian Coalition of America may have weakened president George H. W. Bush's chances for reelection in 1992 and helped his successor, Bill Clinton, win reelection in 1996.[16] On the other hand, the rhetoric of conservative cultural warriors helped Republicans gain control of Congress in 1994.[17]

The culture wars influenced the debate over state-school history curricula in the United States in the 1990s. In particular, debates over the development of national educational standards in 1994 revolved around whether the study of American history should be a "celebratory" or "critical" undertaking and involved such prominent public figures as Lynne Cheney, Rush Limbaugh, and historian Gary Nash.[18][19]

21st century
43rd President George W. Bush, Donald Rumsfeld, and Paul Wolfowitz were prominent neoconservatives of the 2000s.

A worldview called neoconservatism shifted the terms of the debate in the early 2000s. Neoconservatives differed from their opponents in that they interpreted problems facing the nation as moral issues rather than economic or political issues. For example, neoconservatives saw the decline of the traditional family structure as a spiritual crisis that required a spiritual response. Critics accused neoconservatives of confusing cause and effect.[20]

During the 2000s, voting for Republicans began to correlate heavily with traditionalist or orthodox religious belief across diverse religious sects. Voting for Democrats became more correlated to liberal or modernist religious belief, and to being nonreligious.[21] Belief in scientific conclusions, such as climate change, also became tightly coupled to political party affiliation in this era, causing climate scholar Andrew Hoffman to observe that climate change had "become enmeshed in the so-called culture wars."[22]

Topics traditionally associated with culture war were not prominent in media coverage of the 2008 election season, with the exception of coverage of vice-presidential candidate Sarah Palin,[23] who drew attention to her conservative religion and created a performative climate change denialism brand for herself.[24] Palin's defeat in the election and subsequent resignation as governor of Alaska caused the Center for American Progress to predict "the coming end of the culture wars," which they attributed to demographic change, particularly high rates of acceptance of same-sex marriage among millennials.[25]

A number of conflicts about diversity in popular culture occurring in the 2010s, such as the Gamergate controversy and the Sad Puppies science fiction voting campaign, were identified in the media as being examples of culture war.[26] Journalist Caitlin Dewey described Gamergate as a "proxy war" for a larger culture war between those who want greater inclusion of women and minorities in cultural institutions versus anti-feminists and traditionalists who do not.[27] The perception that culture war conflict had been demoted from electoral politics to popular culture led writer Jack Meserve to call popular movies, games, and writing the "last front in the culture war" in 2015.[28]

The Unite the Right rally in Charlottesville, Virginia in August 2017, an alt-right event regarded as a battle of the culture wars.[29]

However, these conflicts about representation in popular culture re-emerged into electoral politics via the Alt-right white supremacist movement.[30] According to media scholar Whitney Phillips, Gamergate "prototyped" strategies of harassment and controversy-stoking that proved useful in political strategy. For example, Republican political strategist Steve Bannon publicized pop culture conflicts during the 2016 presidential campaign of Donald Trump, encouraging a young audience to "come in through Gamergate or whatever and then get turned onto politics and Trump."[31]

While traditional culture war issues, notably abortion, continue to be a focal point,[32] the issues identified with culture war broadened in the 2010s. Journalist Michael Grunwald lists the Black Lives Matter movement, U.S. national anthem protests, climate change, education policy, healthcare policy including Obamacare, and infrastructure policy as culture war issues in 2018.[33] The rights of transgender people and the role of religion in lawmaking were identified as "new fronts in the culture war" by political scientist Jeremiah Castle, with polarization of public opinion on these two topics resembling that of previous culture war issues.[34] In 2020, during the COVID-19 pandemic, North Dakota governor Doug Burgum described opposition to wearing face masks as a "senseless" culture war issue that jeopardizes human safety.[35]

Canada
See: Battle of Alberta and Battle of Ontario

In Canada, "culture war" refers to differing values between Western versus Eastern Canada, urban versus rural Canada, as well as conservatism versus liberalism.[36] A divide between French and English is also a consistent part of Canadian society.

The phrase "culture war" (or "culture wars") in Canada describes the polarization between the different values of Canadians. This can be West versus East, rural versus urban, or traditional values versus progressive values.[37] "Culture war" is a relatively new phrase in Canadian political commentary. It can still be used to describe historical events in Canada, such as the Rebellions of 1837, Western Alienation, the Quebec sovereignty movement, and any Aboriginal conflicts in Canada, but is more relevant to current events such as the Grand River land dispute and the increasing hostility between conservative and liberal Canadians. The phrase "culture wars" has also been used to describe the Harper government's attitude towards the arts community. Andrew Coyne termed this negative policy towards the arts community 'class warfare'.[38]

Australia
Main article: History wars

Interpretations of Aboriginal history became part of the wider political debate sometimes called the "culture wars" during the tenure of the Liberal–National Coalition government of 1996 to 2007, with the Prime Minister of Australia John Howard publicly championing the views of some of those associated with Quadrant.[39] This debate extended into a controversy over the presentation of history in the National Museum of Australia and in high-school history curricula.[40][41] It also migrated into the general Australian media, with major broadsheets such as The Australian, The Sydney Morning Herald and The Age regularly publishing opinion pieces on the topic. Marcia Langton has referred to much of this wider debate as "war porn"[42] and as an "intellectual dead end".[43]

Two Australian Prime Ministers, Paul Keating (in office 1991–1996) and John Howard (in office 1996–2007), became major participants in the "wars". According to Mark McKenna's analysis for the Australian Parliamentary Library,[44] John Howard believed that Paul Keating portrayed Australia pre-Whitlam (Prime Minister from 1972 to 1975) in an unduly negative light; while Keating sought to distance the modern Labor movement from its historical support for the monarchy and for the White Australia policy by arguing that it was the conservative Australian parties which had been barriers to national progress and excessively loyal to the British Empire. He accused Britain of having abandoned Australia during World War II (1939–1945). Keating staunchly supported a symbolic apology to indigenous people for the misdeeds of past governments, and outlined his view of the origins and potential solutions to contemporary Aboriginal disadvantage in his Redfern Park Speech of 10 December 1992 (drafted with the assistance of historian Don Watson). In 1999, following the release of the 1998 Bringing Them Home Report, Howard passed a Parliamentary Motion of Reconciliation describing treatment of Aborigines as the "most blemished chapter" in Australian history, but he did not make a Parliamentary apology.[45] Howard saw an apology as inappropriate as it would imply "intergeneration guilt"; he said that "practical" measures were a better response to contemporary Aboriginal disadvantage. Keating has argued for the eradication of remaining symbols linked to British origins: including deference for ANZAC Day,[46] for the Australian flag and for the monarchy in Australia, while Howard supported these institutions. Unlike fellow Labor leaders and contemporaries, Bob Hawke (Prime Minister 1983–1991) and Kim Beazley (Labor Party leader 2005–2006), Keating never traveled to Gallipoli for ANZAC Day ceremonies. In 2008 he described those who gathered there as "misguided".[47]

In 2006 John Howard said in a speech to mark the 50th anniversary of Quadrant that "Political Correctness" was dead in Australia but: "we should not underestimate the degree to which the soft-left still holds sway, even dominance, especially in Australia's universities". Also in 2006, Sydney Morning Herald political editor Peter Hartcher reported that Opposition foreign-affairs spokesman Kevin Rudd was entering the philosophical debate by arguing in response that "John Howard, is guilty of perpetrating 'a fraud' in his so-called culture wars ... designed not to make real change but to mask the damage inflicted by the Government's economic policies".[48]

The defeat of the Howard government in the Australian Federal election of 2007 and its replacement by the Rudd Labor government altered the dynamic of the debate. Rudd made an official apology to the Aboriginal Stolen Generation[49] with bi-partisan support.[50] Like Keating, Rudd supported an Australian republic, but in contrast to Keating, Rudd declared support for the Australian flag and supported the commemoration of ANZAC Day; he also expressed admiration for Liberal Party founder Robert Menzies.[51][52]

Subsequent to the 2007 change of government, and prior to the passage, with support from all parties, of the Parliamentary apology to indigenous Australians, Professor of Australian Studies Richard Nile argued: "the culture and history wars are over and with them should also go the adversarial nature of intellectual debate",[53] a view contested by others, including conservative commentator Janet Albrechtsen.[54] The Liberal Party parliamentarian Christopher Pyne indicated an intention to re-engage in the history wars.[55]

African nations

American culture war perspectives on human sexuality were exported to Africa, according to political scientist Constance G. Anthony, as a form of neocolonialism. This began during the AIDS epidemic in Africa, with the United States first tying HIV/AIDS assistance money to evangelical leadership and the Christian right during the Bush administration, then to LGBTQ tolerance during the administration of Barack Obama. This stoked a culture war that resulted in, for example the Uganda Anti-Homosexuality Act of 2014.[56]

Criticism and evaluation

Since the time that James Davison Hunter first applied the concept of culture wars to American life, the idea has been subject to questions about whether "culture wars" names a real phenomenon, and if so, whether the phenomenon it describes is a cause of, or merely a result of, membership in groups like political parties and religions. Culture wars have also been subject to the criticism of being artificial, imposed, or asymmetric conflicts, rather than a result of authentic differences between cultures.

Validity

Researchers have differed about the scientific validity of the notion of culture war. Some claim it does not describe real behavior, or that it describes only the behavior of a small political elite. Others claim culture war is real and widespread, and even that it is fundamental to explaining Americans' political behavior and beliefs.

Political scientist Alan Wolfe participated in a series of scholarly debates in the 1990s and 2000s against Hunter, claiming that Hunter's concept of culture wars did not accurately describe the opinions or behavior of Americans, which Wolfe claimed were more united than polarized.[57]

A meta-analysis of opinion data from 1992 to 2012 published in the American Political Science Review concluded that, in contrast to a common belief that political party and religious membership shape opinion on culture war topics, instead opinions on culture war topics lead people to revise their political party and religious orientations. The researchers view culture war attitudes as "foundational elements in the political and religious belief systems of ordinary citizens."[58]

Artificiality or asymmetry

Some writers and scholars have said that culture wars are created or perpetuated by political special interest groups, by reactionary social movements, by dynamics within the Republican party, or by electoral politics as a whole. These authors view culture war not as an unavoidable result of widespread cultural differences, but as a technique used to create in-groups and out-groups for a political purpose.

Political commentator E. J. Dionne has written that culture war is an electoral technique to exploit differences and grievances, remarking that the real cultural division is "between those who want to have a culture war and those who don't."[21]

Sociologist Scott Melzer says that culture wars are created by conservative, reactive organizations and movements. Members of these movements possess a "sense of victimization at the hands of a liberal culture run amok. In their eyes, immigrants, gays, women, the poor, and other groups are (undeservedly) granted special rights and privileges." Melzer writes about the example of the National Rifle Association, which he says intentionally created a culture war in order to unite conservative groups, particularly groups of white men, against a common perceived threat.[59]

Similarly, religion scholar Susan B. Ridgely has written that culture wars were made possible by Focus on the Family. This organization produced conservative Christian "alternative news" that began to bifurcate American media consumption, promoting a particular "traditional family" archetype to one part of the population, particularly conservative religious women. Ridgely says that this tradition was depicted as under liberal attack, seeming to necessitate a culture war to defend the tradition.[60]

Political scientists Matt Grossmann and David A. Hopkins have written about an asymmetry between the US's two major political parties, saying the Republican party should be understood as an ideological movement built to wage political conflict, and the Democratic party as a coalition of social groups with less ability impose ideological discipline on members.[61] This encourages Republicans to perpetuate and to draw new issues into culture wars, because Republicans are well equipped to fight such wars.[62]

See also

References
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  2. "Culture Wars". Encyclopedia.com. Retrieved October 21, 2019.
  3. Spahn, Martin (1910). "Kulturkampf". The Catholic Encyclopedia. 8. New York: Robert Appleton Company. Retrieved March 27, 2015.
  4. "Prosecution of priests (Culture War reference) (1874)". Newspapers.com. Retrieved March 13, 2019.
  5. "What Bismarck could not do (Culture War reference) (1906)". Newspapers.com. Retrieved March 13, 2019.
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  9. Holt, Douglas; Cameron, Douglas (2010). Cultural Strategy. Oxford University Press. ISBN 978-0-19-958740-7.
  10. Andrew Hartman, A War for the Soul of America: A History of the Culture Wars (University of Chicago Press, 2015)
  11. Brian Dakss, "Bill O'Reilly's 'Culture Warrior'", CBS News, December 5, 2006. Retrieved March 27, 2020.
  12. O'Reilly, Bill (September 2006). Culture Warrior. New York: Broadway Books. ISBN 0-7679-2092-9.
  13. "Dogs of War". New Donkey. September 2, 2004. Archived from the original on March 8, 2005. Retrieved August 29, 2006. Not since Pat Buchanan's famous 'culture war' speech in 1992 has a major speaker at a national political convention spoken so hatefully, at such length, about the opposition.
  14. Buchanan, Patrick (August 17, 1992). 1992 Republican National Convention Speech (Speech). Retrieved November 3, 2014.
  15. Buchanan, Patrick. "The Cultural War for the Soul of America".
  16. Chapman, Roger (2010). Culture Wars: An Encyclopedia of Issues, Viewpoints, and Voices. Armonk, NY: M. E. Sharpe. p. 88. ISBN 978-0-7656-1761-3.
  17. Chapman, Roger (2010). Culture Wars: An Encyclopedia of Issues, Viewpoints, and Voices. Armonk, NY.: M. E. Sharpe. p. 136. ISBN 978-0-7656-1761-3.
  18. Who Owns History: Rethinking the Past in a Changing World at Google Books
  19. History on Trial: Culture Wars and the Teaching of the Past at Google Books
  20. Zafirovski, Milan. "Modern Free Society and Its Nemesis: Liberty Versus Conservatism in the New ...." Google Books. 6 September 2018.
  21. Dionne, E.J., Jr. "Why the Culture War Is the Wrong War." The Atlantic. January/February 2006. 29 April 2019.
  22. Climate Science as Culture War: The public debate around climate change is no longer about science—it's about values, culture, and ideology Fall 2012 Stanford Social Innovation Review
  23. "How the News Media Covered Religion in the 2008 General Election: Sarah Palin and the "Culture Wars"" (PDF). Journalism & Media: 8, 11–12. November 20, 2008. Retrieved May 23, 2020.
  24. Hatzisavvidou, Sophia (September 17, 2019). "'The climate has always been changing': Sarah Palin, climate change denialism, and American conservatism". Celebrity Studies. doi:10.1080/19392397.2019.1667251.
  25. Teixeira, Ruy (July 15, 2009). "The Coming End of the Culture Wars". Center for American Progress. Retrieved May 23, 2020.
  26. Hurley, Kameron (April 9, 2015). "Hijacking the Hugo Awards Won't Stifle Diversity in Science Fiction". The Atlantic. Retrieved May 23, 2020.
  27. Dewey, Caitlin (October 14, 2014). "The only guide to Gamergate you will ever need to read". The Washington Post. Retrieved May 23, 2020.
  28. Meserve, Jack (Spring 2015). "Last Front in the Culture War". Democracy: A Journal of Ideas (36). Retrieved May 23, 2020.
  29. Buffington, Melanie L. (January 1, 2017). "Contemporary Culture Wars: Challenging the Legacy of the Confederacy". Journal of Cultural Research in Art Education. 34: 45–59. ISSN 2152-7172. Retrieved May 24, 2020.
  30. Nagle, Angela (June 30, 2017). Kill All Normies: Online Culture Wars From 4Chan And Tumblr To Trump And The Alt-Right. Zero Books. ISBN 9781785355431.
  31. Warzel, Charlie (August 15, 2019). "How an Online Mob Created a Playbook for a Culture War". The New York Times. Retrieved May 24, 2020.
  32. Smith, Karl. "The Abortion Debate Is Not Part of the Culture Wars." Bloomberg.
  33. Grunwald, Michael (November 2018). "How Everything Became the Culture War". Politico. Retrieved May 24, 2020.
  34. Castle, Jeremiah (December 14, 2018). "New Fronts in the Culture Wars? Religion, Partisanship, and Polarization on Religious Liberty and Transgender Rights in the United States". American Politics Research. 47 (3): 650–679. doi:10.1177/1532673X18818169.
  35. Blake, Aaron (May 23, 2020). "GOP governor offers emotional plea to the anti-mask crowd: Stop this senseless culture war". The Washington Post. Retrieved May 24, 2020.
  36. Caplan, Gerald (October 20, 2012). "Culture clash splits Canadians over basic values". The Globe and Mail. Toronto.
  37. "Culture clash splits Canadians over basic values". The Globe and Mail. Toronto. October 20, 2012.
  38. Andrew Coyne (October 2, 2008). "Coyne: This isn't a culture war, it's a good old class war". Macleans.
  39. Manne, Robert (November 2008). "What is Rudd's Agenda?". The Monthly.
  40. Rundle, Guy (June 28, 2007). "1915 and all that: History in a holding pattern". Crikey. Retrieved April 27, 2010.
  41. Ferrari, Justine (October 14, 2008). "History curriculum author defies his critics to find bias". The Australian. Archived from the original on October 6, 2009. Retrieved April 27, 2010.
  42. Baudrillard J. War porn. Journal of Visual Culture, Vol. 5, No. 1, 86–88 (2006) doi: 10.1177/147041290600500107
  43. Langton M. Essay: Trapped in the aboriginal reality show. Griffith Review 2007, 19:Re-imagining Australia.
  44. Mark McKenna (November 10, 1997). "Different Perspectives on Black Armband History". Parliamentary Library: Research Paper 5 1997-98. The Parliament of Australia. Retrieved March 5, 2015.
  45. "The History of Apologies Down Under | Thinking Faith". thinkingfaith.org. February 21, 2008. Archived from the original on December 2, 2014. Retrieved March 5, 2015.
  46. https://www.smh.com.au/national/a-nation-reborn-at-anzac-cove-utter-nonsense-keating-20081030-5enw.html
  47. Wright, Tony (October 31, 2008). "A nation reborn at Anzac Cove? Utter nonsense: Keating". The Age. Melbourne. Retrieved March 5, 2010.
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  49. "Full text of Australia's apology to Aborigines". CNN. February 12, 2008. Retrieved April 27, 2010.
  50. "Brendan Nelson's sorry speech". The Sydney Morning Herald. February 13, 2008. Retrieved April 27, 2010.
  51. "Paul Keating 'utterly wrong' to reject Gallipoli identity, says Kevin Rudd". October 31, 2008.
  52. "Is Rudd having a Bob each way? - Opinion". The Sydney Morning Herald. October 28, 2004. Retrieved April 27, 2010.
  53. "End of the culture wars | Richard Nile Blog, The Australian". blogs.theaustralian.news.com.au. November 28, 2007. Archived from the original on March 9, 2010. Retrieved April 27, 2010.
  54. "Orwellian Left quick to unveil totalitarian heart". The Australian. December 12, 2007.
  55. Julia Baird, (April 27, 2013), Don't dismiss nation's blemishes Sydney Morning Herald, Sydney, p. 12
  56. Anthony, Constance G. (November 2018). "Schizophrenic Neocolonialism: Exporting the American Culture War on Sexuality to Africa". International Studies Perspectives. 19 (4): 289–304. doi:10.1093/isp/eky004.
  57. Hunter, James Davison; Wolfe, Alan (2006). Is There a Culture War? : A Dialogue on Values and American Public Life. Washington, D.C.: Brookings Institution Press. OCLC 76966750.
  58. Goren, Paul; Chapp, Christopher (February 24, 2017). "Moral Power: How Public Opinion on Culture War Issues Shapes Partisan Predispositions and Religious Orientations". American Political Science Review. 111 (1): 110–128. doi:10.1017/S0003055416000435.
  59. Melzer, Scott (October 1, 2009). Gun Crusaders: The NRA's Culture War. New York University Press. p. 59. ISBN 978-0814764503.
  60. Ridgely, Susan B. (March 2020). "Conservative Christianity and the Creation of Alternative News: An Analysis of Focus on the Family's Multimedia Empire". Religion and American Culture. 30 (1): 1–25. doi:10.1017/rac.2020.1.
  61. Grossmann, Matt; Hopkins, David A. (March 2015). "Ideological Republicans and Group Interest Democrats: The Asymmetry of American Party Politics". Perspectives on Politics. 13 (1): 119–139. doi:10.1017/S1537592714003168.
  62. Hopkins, David A. (April 15, 2020). "Solving the COVID Crisis Requires Bipartisanship, But the Modern GOP Isn't Built for It". Honest Graft. Retrieved May 24, 2020.

Further reading
  • Chapman, Roger, and James Ciment. Culture Wars: An Encyclopedia of Issues, Viewpoints and Voices (2nd ed. Routledge, 2015)
  • D'Antonio, William V., Steven A. Tuch and Josiah R. Baker, Religion, Politics, and Polarization: How Religiopolitical Conflict Is Changing Congress and American Democracy (Rowman & Littlefield, 2013) ISBN 1442223979 ISBN 978-1442223974
  • Fiorina, Morris P., with Samuel J. Abrams and Jeremy C. Pope, Culture War?: The Myth of a Polarized America (Longman, 2004) ISBN 0-321-27640-X
  • Graff, Gerald. Beyond the Culture Wars: How Teaching the Conflicts Can Revitalize American Education (1992)
  • Hartman, Andrew. A war for the soul of America: a history of the culture wars (University of Chicago Press, 2015)
  • Hunter, James Davison, Culture Wars: The Struggle to Define America (New York: Basic Books, 1992) ISBN 0-465-01534-4
  • Jay, Gregory S., American Literature and the Culture Wars, (Cornell University Press, 1997) ISBN 0-8014-3393-2 ISBN 978-0801433931
  • Jensen, Richard. "The Culture Wars, 1965-1995: A Historian's Map" Journal of Social History 29 (Oct 1995) 17–37. in JSTOR
  • Jones, E. Michael, Degenerate Moderns: Modernity As Rationalized Sexual Misbehavior, Ft. Collins, CO: Ignatius Press, 1993 ISBN 0-89870-447-2
  • Prothero, Stephen (2017). Why Liberals Win the Culture Wars (Even When They Lose Elections): A History of the Religious Battles That Define America from Jefferson's Heresies to Gay Marriage Today. HarperOne. ISBN 978-0061571312.
  • Strauss, William & Howe, Neil, The Fourth Turning, An American Prophecy: What the Cycles of History Tell Us About America's Next Rendezvous With Destiny, 1998, Broadway Books, New York
  • Thomson, Irene Tavis., Culture Wars and Enduring American Dilemmas, (University of Michigan Press, 2010) ISBN 978-0-472-07088-6
  • Walsh, Andrew D., Religion, Economics, and Public Policy: Ironies, Tragedies, and Absurdities of the Contemporary Culture Wars, (Praeger, 2000) ISBN 0-275-96611-9
  • Webb, Adam K., Beyond the Global Culture War, (Routledge, 2006) ISBN 0-415-95313-8
  • Zimmerman, Jonathan, Whose America? Culture Wars in the Public Schools (Harvard University Press, 2002) ISBN 0-674-01860-5

United States

Australia
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