Iranians in China

Iranian people like Persians and Sogdians have lived in China throughout various periods in Chinese history.

History

The Parthian Iranians, An Shigao and An Xuan, introduced Buddhism to China.

A village dating back 600 years in Yangzhou in Jiangsu province, China, has inhabitants descended from Iranians. It has 27,000 people and contains Iranian places names like Fars and Parsian.[1]

Persians

Tang dynasty

Sassanian royals like Peroz III and his son Narsieh fled the Arab Islamic invasion of Sassanid Persia for safety in Tang dynasty China where they were granted asylum.

The Chinese pirate Feng Ruofang stored Persian slaves on Hainan whom he captured when raiding ships in the 8th century.[2] Hainan was filled with Persian slaves by Feng from his raids on their shipping.[3] [4] [5][6][7] Persians sought a hardwood grown in Guangdong province.[8] In 758 there was a raid on Canton by Persians and Arabs and then there was an attack in 760 in Yangzhou upon Persians and Arabs.[9][10] On Hainan 100 katis of incense were burned in a single go by Feng.[11][12]

Five dynasties and Ten Kingdoms period

During the Five Dynasties and Ten Kingdoms period (Wudai) (907–960), there are examples of Chinese emperors marrying Persian women. "In the times of Wudai (907–960) the emperors preferred to marry Persian women, and the Song dynasty official families liked to marry women from Dashi [Arabia]" was written by Chen Yuan.[13]

Former Shu

Many Iranians took the Chinese name Li to use as their last name when they moved to China. One prominent family included Li Xian (pharmacologist) and Li Xun. Sources say that either one of them was responsible for writing the "Hai Yao Ben Cao" (Hai yao pen ts'ao), translating to "Pharmacopoeia of foreign drugs".[14] Li Xun was interested in foreign drugs and his book, The Haiyao Bencao, was all about foreign drugs. His family sold drugs for a living.[15][16]

Li Xian had an older sister Li Shunxian, who was known for being beautiful and was a concubine of the Former Shu Chinese Emperor Wang Zongyan, and a brother older than both of them named Li Xun. They lived at the court of the royal family of Former Shu in Chengdu (modern day Sichuan). Li Shunxian also was a poet. Their family had come to China in 880 and were a wealthy merchant family. Li Xian dealt with Daoist alchemy, perfumes and drugs.[17]

The Huang Chao rebellion had earlier made their family flee. Li Su-sha, an Iranian who dealt in the incense trade, is speculated to be the grandfather of the three siblings.[18]

Lo Hsiang- Lin wrote a biography of the three siblings. The family were Nestorian Christians. The two brothers then became Daoist. Li Xun was also a poet who wrote in the manner of Chinese Song poetry. Li Xian used urine to concoct "steroid sex hormones".[19]

Iranians dominated the drug trade in China. In 824 Li Susha presented to Emperor Jingzong, the Chen xiang ting zi, a type of drug.[20]

Li Xun wrote poems in the tz'u style and was one of its masters. He and his brother Li Xian traded in the drug business. The family lived in Sichuan.[21]

Li Xun was known for his poetry . He was the author of Hai Yao Ben Cao. He and his brother Li Xian were well known perfume merchants who lived in the 900s AD. They lived at the state of Shu's court.[22][23]

Li Xun and Li Xian were two brothers from an Iranian family who lived in Shu in Sichuan. the author of the Hai Yao Pen Tshao was Li Xun while the "alchemist" "naturalist" and "chess master" Li Xian wrote poetry like his brother.[24]

Southern Han

From the tenth to twelfth century, Persian women were to be found in Guangzhou (Canton), some of them in the tenth century like Mei Zhu in the harem of the Emperor Liu Chang, and in the twelfth century large numbers of Persian women lived there, noted for wearing multiple earrings and "quarrelsome dispositions".[25][26] It was recorded that "The Po- ssu-fu at Kuang-chou make holes all round their ears. There are some who wear more than twenty ear-rings."[27] Descriptions of the sexual activities between Liu Chang and the Persian woman in the Song dynasty book the "Ch'ing-i-lu" by T'ao Ku were so graphic that the "Memoirs of the Research Department of the Toyo Bunko (the Oriental Library), Issue 2" refused to provide any quotes from it while discussing the subject.[28] Liu had free time with the Persian women by delegating the task of governing to others.[29] Multiple women originating from the Persian Gulf lived in Guangzhou's foreign quarter, they were all called "Persian women" (波斯婦 Po-ssu-fu or Bosifu).[30]

Some scholars did not differentiate between Persian and Arab, and some say that the Chinese called all women coming from the Persian Gulf "Persian Women".[31]

The young Chinese Emperor Liu Chang of the Southern Han dynasty had a harem, including one Persian girl he nicknamed Mei Zhu, which means "Beautiful Sow"(美豬). Liu liked the Persian girl (Mei Zhu) because of her tan skin color, described in French as "peau mate" (olive or light brown skinned). He and the Persian girl also liked to forced young couples to go naked and played with them in the palace.[32][33] and he favored her by "doting" on her. During the first year of his reign, he was not over sixteen years old when he had a taste for intercourse with Persian girls.[34] The Persian girl was called a "princess".[35]

Descriptions of the sexual activities between Liu Chang and the Persian woman in the Song dynasty book the "Ch'ing-i-lu" by T'ao Ku were so graphic that the "Memoirs of the Research Department of the Toyo Bunko (the Oriental Library), Issue 2" refused to provide any quotes from it while discussing the subject.[28] Liu had free time with the Persian women by delegating the task of governing to others.[29]

The Wu Tai Shï says that 'Liu Ch'ang [劉鋹], Emperor of the Southern Han dynasty reigning at Canton, about A.D. 970. "was dallying with his palace girls and Persian [波斯] women in the inner apartments, and left the government of his state to the ministers."[36] The History of the Five Dynasties (Wu Tai Shih) stated that- "Liu Chang then with his court- ladies and Po-ssu woman, indulged in amorous affiurs in the harem".[37]

Song dynasty

Guangzhou (Canton) had a community which included Persian women in the 10th-12th centuries, found in Liu Chang's harem in the 10th century and in Song dynasty era Guangzhou in the 12th century the Persian women (波斯婦) there were observed wearing many earrings.[38][39][40][41][42][43][44][45][46][47][48][49][50][51]

The Muslim women in Guangzhou were called either Persian women 波斯婦 or Pusaman 菩薩蠻 菩萨蛮 according to Zhu Yu (author)'s book "Pingzhou ke tan" 萍洲可談 which may be from "Mussulman" or "Bussulman" which means Muslim in Persian.[52][53][54][55][56][57][58][59] [60][61][62][63][64][65] [66][67][68][69][70] Pusaman was also the name of a tune 樂府 about female dancers sent as tribute to China.[71][72][73][74][75][76][77] [76][78][79][80][81]

Ming dynasty

Of the Han Chinese Li family in Quanzhou, Lin Nu, the son of Li Lu, visited Hormuz in Persia in 1376, married a Persian or an Arab girl, and brought her back to Quanzhou. Li Nu was the ancestor of the Ming Dynasty reformer Li Chih.[82][83] Lin Nu and his descendants were erased from the family genealogy by his relatives who were angry at him for converting to Islam and marrying a Persian girl because xenophobic feeling against foreigners was strong at that time due to Persian Semu atrocities in the Ispah Rebellion in which the Yuan defeated the Ispah and the Semu were massacred. The branch of the family who held to their Chinese customs felt ashamed so they changed their surname from Lin to Li to avoid associating with their relatives, Lin Nu's descendants with his Persian wife who practiced Islam.[84]

Sogdians

Tang dynasty

Sogdians in China used 9 Chinese surnames after the Chinese name of the states they came from.[85][86][87][88][89][90][91][92]

Xizhou had a Han and Sogdian population.[93] A record from the Astana Cemetery dating to 639 preserves the transaction where a Sogdian slave girl was being sold in Xizhou. The Han Zhang family also owned Chunxiang, a Turk slave woman in Xizhou. He Deli, a Sogdian who knew how to speak Turkic and Chinese and translated.[94][95][96][97][98][99][100][101][102][103][104][105][106] 120 coins of silver were paid for the slave girl[107][108] from Samarkand.[109][110] The contract was written in Sogdian.[111] Translated by Yoshida Yutaka.[112][113][114] The slave girl was from the Chuyakk family and born in Central Asia. Upach was her name and the buyer's name was written as Yansyan in Sogdian from the Chan family. The seller of the slave was from Samarqand called Wakhushuvirt and his father was Tudhakk The contract said they could they anything they wanted to Upach, give her away, sell her, abuse her, beat her and she belonged to Yansyan's family forever.[115] Zhang Yanxiang 張延相, whose name is found in Chinese language documents in Turfan, is believed to be Chan Yansyan.[116][117][118][119][120][121][122][123][124][125][126] Kuchean girls were sold as slaves in the Jin and Wei dynasties. On the silk road slave girls was a major item and much more expensive than silk. Silk was up to five times less than the value of a slave girl. Central Asian slave girls were exported from Central Asia Iranian areas to China. It is believed that the wealthy merchants and aristocratic noblemen of the Chinese capital of Chang'an were the consumers for the huge amount of Central Asian slave women brought by the Sogdians to China to sell to the Chinese. The Central Asian foreign women in the Sogdian owned wineshops in the Chinese capital are also believe to have been slaves since Chinese poets depicted then as homesick, sad and melancholy and they would service travelers by keeping them company overnight. Merchants and literati would frequent the wineshops.[127] The Sogdians reaped massive profits from selling slave girls and so did the Chinese government by taxing the sale of the slaves. Slave girls were one of the major products Chinese bought from Sogdians. Persian poets often wrote about wine and women since the wineservers were often girls and this wine culture with girl servers seems to have spread to China. There were many Sogdian wineshops and Persian shops in Chang'an along with a large slave market. The wineshops were staffed with young girls who served wine to customers and danced for them. Most of the slave girls were 14 or 15 years old. They provided services like sex, dancing, singing, and served wine to their customers in Chang'an as ordered their masters who ran the wineshops. A Sogdian merchant, Kang Weiyi had Indian, Central Asian, and Bactrians among the 15 slave girls he was bringing to sell in the Chinese capital of Chang'an.[128][129][130][131][132][133][134][135][136][137][138][139][108][140] Khotan and Kucha both sold women for sexual services.[141][142]

Shi Randian was a Xizhou Sogdian merchant who had a Chinese military title.[143][144] He went to Guazhou to trade from Kucha.[111] He went to Shazhou and Yizhou.[145] A local acted as Shi Randian's guarantor.[146]

In 731 a Han Chinese called Tang Rong 唐榮 from the capital district bought an 11 year old slave girl Shimaner 失滿兒 from Mi Lushan 米祿山, a Sogdian recorded in a contract written in Chinese.[144][147] There was a translator in Xizhou, Di Nanipan who had a Sogdian name but a non-Sogdian surname. Either he was not a Sogdian and was given the name because Sogdian language was prevalent or only his mother was Sogdian was his father was Han.

The Goguryeo general Gao Juren ordered a mass slaughter of West Asians (Hu) identifying them through their big noses and lances were used to impale tossed children when he stormed Beijing from An Lushan's rebels.[148]

Sogdians opened shops which sold wine and had dance performances by Sogdian women called 胡姬酒肆. The poet Li Bai in his poem Shao Nian Xing wrote about a young man who entered one of these Huji Jiusi shops.[149][150]

Lady Caoyena 曹野那 was a concubine of the Chinese Emperor Xuanzong of Tang and gave birth to the Princess of Shou'an Li Chongniang 李蟲娘. The historian Ge Chengji identified Caoyena as a Sogdian from the Principality of Ushrusana 曹國 (昭武九姓) as indicated by the surname Cao which was adopted by Sogdians from Ushrusana who came to China since China called Ushrusana "Cao kingdom" and while Yena is a foreign name to Chinese, it is a unisex Sogdian name which means "most favorite person" in Sogdian.[151][152] She may have been one of the Sogdian Hu women “胡人女子” or Sogdian whirling dancing girls “胡旋女” who were given as tribute by Sogdians to China. Names like Cao Yena and Cao Yanna were used by Sogdians which appears on historical texts from Turfan. Chinese frequently bought Hu (Sogdian) slave girls in the Gaochang (Turfan) markets.[153][154][155][156][157][158] Yena means favorite one in Sogdian.[159][160]

Li Bai wrote a poem about a boy riding a white horse "gently walking in the spring breeze. Where can he be going, after having trodden upon so many fallen flowers? Behold! How he smiles as he enters a tavern attended by a Persian girl!" The dancing girls jumped and whirled with silk gauze clothing. Western caucasian girls ran these wine stores as Li Bai wrote: "... how he smiles as he enters a bar tended by a Persian girl." These blue eyed girls were frequented by playboys in Chang'an.[161] The northeastern Iranian Sogdians in Khumdeh, Maimargh, Samarkand, and Kesh in 718, 719, 727, and 729 sent dancing whirling girls as tribute to the Chinese Imperial court. Yuan Chen and Bo Juyi wrote poems on these Sogdian girls.[162][163][164][165][166] The poem by Bo Juyi says the Iranian girl from Sogdia whirled while drums and strings were played and bowed to the Emperor when it was over. It mentioned people already in China learned how to do the whirl like An Lushan and Yang Guifei.[167][168][169][170][171][172][173][174][175][176][177][178][179][180][181][182][183][184][185] Yuan Chen mentioned that a whirling girl was given to the Emperor by the Iranians at the time of An Lushan's rebellion and that the Emperor was enchanted by her dance. The song mentions sashes around her body twirling as she danced.[186] Xuangzang's flight to Sichuan is mentioned at the end of the song.[187] Chinese cities saw high demand for dancers from Central Asia and in the wineshops of the cities the Iranian waitresses were admired over by young Chinese poets.[188] China and India had major appetite for Iranian dancers.[189] Blue eyed waitresses in the pleasure quarters poured wine. Giant balls were used to dance on by the Sogdian whirling girls and dancers from Tashkent.[190] Tashkent dancing girls, according to Bai Juyi, bared their shoulders by pulling their blouses and came out of lotuses when starting their dance. The twirling girls from Sogdia danced on rolling balls and wore boots made otu of deerskin which were colored red, green pants, and crimson robes and they were sent to the Emperor Xuanzong. Western singing and dancing girls filled Chang'an taverns.[191][192][193] Samarkand and Tashkent dancing girls who came to China were called "hu" which was used by Chinese to refer to Iranian countries.[194] Dancing girls were among the gifts sent in 10 diplomatic embassies from "Persia" to China in the reigns of Kaiyuan (Emperor Ruizong)) and Tianbao (Emperor Xuanzong).[195][196] Emperor Yan-si (Emperor Yang of Sui) received from Persia 10 young girl dancers.[197][198][199][200] Central Asian Iranian girls who performed as acrobats, dancers, musicians, and waitresses were referred to by Chinese poets as Hu ji 胡姬. Tokharestan and Sogdiana style dances like boti, huteng 柘枝, and huxuan 胡旋.[201] TheShi kingdom (Tashkent) brought the Huteng dance to China which involved back flips, leaps and spinning. The Kang kingdom brought the "whirling barbarian" huxuan dance to China. It involved spinning while dressed in shoes of red leather and white pants by a woman. The Jumi, Shi, Wei, and Kang kingdoms in Central Asia sent dance girls to perform the huxuan dance for the Xuanzong Emperor in the Tianbao and Kaiyuan eras. Bai Juyi wrote the "Huxuan Dance Girl" poem. The "thorn branch" zhezhi dance was another one introduced to China.[202] The Sogdian Kang kingdom is where huxuan dance came from according to the Tong Dian by Du Yu. In Luoyang and Chang'an these Serindian dances were extremely popular.[203][204] Huxian and Huteng dances had connections to the Zoroastrian beliefs practiced in Sogdiana.[205] Huxian and Huteng were practiced by Central Asians in the North Qi dynasty in China.[206] Huxuan dance was introduced to China through long journeys over thousands of kilometers by girls from Kang in Sogdia.[207][208][209][210][211] In the T'ang Annals we read that in the beginning of the period K'ai-yuan (a.d. 713-741) the country of K'an (Sogdiana), an Iranian region, sent as tribute to the Chinese Court coats-of-mail, cups of rock-crystal, bottles of agate, ostrich-eggs, textiles styled yüe no, dwarfs, and dancing-girls of Hu-suan 胡旋 (Xwārism).1 In the Ts'e fu yüan kwei the date of this event is more accurately fixed in the year 718.2[212][213]

The Dunhuang ruler received from the Ganzhou Kaghan 40 Sogdian slaves as tribute.[214]

See also

References

  1. "In China, a 600-year-old Village Continues Iranian Tradition". The Circle of Ancient Iranian Studies (CAIS). 23 July 2003.
  2. University of California (1868-1952), University of California (System), University of California, Berkeley (1951). University of California Publications in Semitic Philology, Volumes 11-12. University of California Press. p. 407.
  3. Archäologie und Frühe Texte. Volume 13 of South China and maritime Asia (illustrated ed.). Otto Harrassowitz Verlag. 2004. p. 230. ISBN 3447050608. ISSN 0945-9286.
  4. Schafer, Edward H. (2016). The Golden Peaches of Samarkand: A Study of T’ang Exotics. Pickle Partners Publishing. ISBN 1787201120.
  5. Literacy in the Persianate World: Writing and the Social Order. Volume 4 of Penn Museum international research conferences. University of Pennsylvania Press. 2012. p. 403. ISBN 1934536563.
  6. MAIR, VICTOR H. “Persian Scribes (Munshi) and Chinese Literati (Ru).: The Power and Prestige of Fine Writing (Adab/Wenzhang).” Literacy in the Persianate World: Writing and the Social Order, edited by Brian Spooner and William L. Hanaway, University of Pennsylvania Press, 2012, pp. 388–414. JSTOR, www.jstor.org/stable/j.ctt3fhh4r.19.
  7. University of California (1868-1952), University of California (System), University of California, Berkeley (1951). University of California Publications in Semitic Philology, Volumes 11-12. University of California Press. p. 407.
  8. Schafer, Edward Hetzel (1967). The Vermilion Bird. University of California Press. p. 180.
  9. Fu ren da xue (Beijing, China), S.V.D. Research Institute, Society of the Divine Word, Monumenta Serica Institute (1984). Monumenta Serica, Volumes 35-36. H. Vetch. p. 289.
  10. "第四节 唐代中西文化交流的盛况". 读国学网. 2014-08-18.
  11. Royal Asiatic Society of Great Britain and Ireland. Malaysian Branch, Singapore, Project Muse (1961). Monographs on Malay Subjects, Volume 32, Part 2. p. 32.
  12. Royal Asiatic Society of Great Britain and Ireland. Malaysian Branch (2007). Wade, Geoff, ed. Southeast Asia-China interactions: reprint of articles from the Journal of the Malaysian Branch, Royal Asiatic Society. Malaysian Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society. p. 201. ISBN 9679948382.
  13. Jaschok, Maria; Shui, Jingjun (2000). The History of Women's Mosques in Chinese Islam: A Mosque of Their Own (illustrated ed.). Psychology Press. p. 74. ISBN 0700713026.
  14. Yarshater (1993). William Bayne Fisher; Yarshater, Ilya Gershevitch, eds. The Cambridge History of Iran, Volume 3 (reprint ed.). Cambridge University Press. p. 553. ISBN 0-521-20092-X. Retrieved January 4, 2012. Probably by the 7th century Persians had joined with Arabs to create the foreign emporium on the Grand Canal at Yangchou mentioned by the New T'ang History. The same source records a disturbance there in 760 in which a thousand of the merchants were killed.. . .Some Persian families residing at the Chinese capital had adopted the surname Li. Their riches were proverbial, so that the idea of a "poor Persian" could be listed as a paradox.. .As late as the 10th century Li Hsien, the descendant of a Persian family which had settled in China under the Sui, composed a "Pharmacopoeia of foreign drugs" (Hai yao pen ts'ao) and was known as a Taoist adept with special skill in arsenical medicines.
  15. Carla Suzan Nappi (2009). The monkey and the inkpot: natural history and its transformations in early modern China (illustrated ed.). Harvard University Press. p. 30. ISBN 0-674-03529-1. Retrieved January 4, 2012. The Haiyao bencao [Bencao of overseas drugs], compiled by Li Xun (fl. 923), survives only in reconstructions from later texts in which it was cited. Li Xun's compendium was apparently devoted entirely to drugs imported from India and Persia, a focus that is reflected in the few surviving drug descriptions from the texts. Li Xun's Persian ancestry and the fact that his family ran a business selling aromatic drugs probably stirred his interest in foreign materia medica. The text itself is notable not simply for its treatments of the medicinal uses of exotica.
  16. Carla Suzan Nappi (2009). The monkey and the inkpot: natural history and its transformations in early modern China (illustrated ed.). Harvard University Press. p. 114. ISBN 0-674-03529-1. Retrieved January 4, 2012. One of the sources of such names, widely cited in the discussion of animals because many of the shellfish in the Bencao hailed from the "South Seas" and other foreign contexts, was Li Xun, the Chinese-born Persian discussed earlier whose family made a living by selling fragrant herbs. His Haiyao bencao recorded many drugs of foreign origin. These objects were of particular import to Li Shizhen, as drugs from remote regions were considered especially valuable in the Ming medical marketplace.
  17. Joseph Needham (1986). Joseph Needham, ed. Science and civilisation in China: Biology and biological technology. Botany. Volume 6, Part 1 of Science and Civilisation in China. Cambridge University Press. p. 276. ISBN 0-521-08731-7. Retrieved January 4, 2012. In the Former Shu State, in the capital of Chhengtu, between the years +919 and +925, one could have met at the court of the reigning house of Wang a remarkable girl named Li Shun-Hsien3, ornamenting the age by her poetic talent no less than her beauty. Together with her two brothers, the younger Li Hsien4 and the elder Li Hsiin5, she came of a family of Persian origin which had settled in West China about + 88o,b acquiring wealth and renown as ship-owners and merchants in the spice trade. c Li Hsien was a student of perfumes and their distilled attars as well as a merchant,d but he also worked on Taoist alchemy and investigated the actions of inorganic medicaments. e The one who took up the brush was Li Hsiin, for about +923 he produced his Hai Tao Pen Tshao6 (Materia Medico of the Countries beyond the Seas )/ study of 12 1 plants and animals and their products, nearly all foreign, with at least 15 completely new introductions.8 His work as a naturalist was highly regarded by subsequent scholars, and often quoted in the later pandects.11 Li Hsiin was interested in all 'overseas' drugs, whether of the Arabic and Persian culture-areas or of East Indian and Malayo-Indonesian origin.
  18. Joseph Needham (1986). Joseph Needham, ed. Science and civilisation in China: Biology and biological technology. Botany. Volume 6, Part 1 of Science and Civilisation in China. Cambridge University Press. p. 276. ISBN 0-521-08731-7. Retrieved January 4, 2012. The family was fleeing from the rebellion of Huang Chhao in +878, cf. Vol. i, p. 216. Their grandfather may well have been the Persian incense merchant Li Su-Sha', whose dates would be between +820 and +840.
  19. Joseph Needham (1986). Joseph Needham, ed. Science and civilisation in China: Biology and biological technology. Botany. Volume 6, Part 1 of Science and Civilisation in China. Cambridge University Press. p. 276. ISBN 0-521-08731-7. Retrieved January 4, 2012. The best biography of Li Hsiin and his brother and sister is that by Lo Hsiang- Lin (4, 5). From some of the entries in his book, one can see that Li Hsiin, although by origin a Nestorian Christian, acquired a very Taoist belief in medicines which would promote longevity and material immortality. He wrote much poetry in the Northern Sung style. His brother, Li Hsien, was even more Taoist, and had much regard as an adept, engaging in the preparation ofc/ ihiu s/tih' (steroid sex hormones from urine, cf. Vol. 5, pt 5, pp. 311 ff.).
  20. Fuwei Shen; Jingshu Wu (1996). Cultural flow between China and outside world throughout history (illustrated ed.). Foreign Languages Press. p. 120. ISBN 7-119-00431-X. Retrieved January 4, 2012. The drug and herb traders consisted mainly of Persian merchants. One of them was a naturalized Chinese merchant of Persian origin called Li Susha, who was known for his wealth and his offering of the valuable aromatic drug chen xiang ting zi to Emperor Jingzong of the Tang Dynasty in 824. Later, in the turbulent era of the Five Dynasties, more people became known for their dealings in drugs or
  21. The Vermilion Bird. University of California Press. 1967. p. 83. Retrieved January 4, 2012. Outstanding among these innovators were two poets of tenth-century Szechwan, composers of tz'u-poems of irregular meter made to fit popular airs. Their names were Ou-yang Chiung and Li Hsiin. . . The story of Li Hsiin is more complicated.His ancestors were Persian. His younger brother Li Hsiian sold aromatic drugs for a living in Szechwan.28 Most important for reconstructing his biography : was he the same person as the Li Hsiin who wrote an important treatise on imported drugs called The Basic Herbal of Overseas Drugs?
  22. Joseph Needham; Ling Wang; Gwei-djen Lu (1974). Science and civilisation in China, Volume 5, Part 2. Cambridge University Press. p. 136. ISBN 0-521-08571-3. Retrieved January 4, 2012. The +10th-century writings just mentioned were only a little later than the period of activity of two of the most remarkable perfume-merchants in Chinese history, Li Hsiin3 and his younger brother Li Hsien.4 Of a family originally Persian and resident at the court of Shu, independent Szechuan, the elder was a notable poet and naturalist, the writer of the Hai Yao Pen Tshao5 (Pharmaccutical Natural History of Overseas Drugs and Sea Products) often afterwards quoted. The younger Original from the University of California
  23. Joseph Needham; Gwei-Djen Lu (1974). Chemistry and chemical technology, Volume 5. Cambridge University Press. p. 136. ISBN 0-521-08571-3. Retrieved January 4, 2012. The +10th-century writings just mentioned were only a little later than the period of activity of two of the most remarkable perfume-merchants in Chinese history, Li Hsiin3 and his younger brother Li Hsien.4 Of a family originally Persian and resident at the court of Shu, independent Szechuan, the elder was a notable poet and naturalist, the writer of the Hai Yao Pen Tshao5 (Pharmaccutical Natural History of Overseas Drugs and Sea Products) often afterwards quoted. The younger was an alchemist and herbalist, known for his expertise in perfumes and probably their distillation
  24. Joseph Needham; Ho Ping-Yü; Gwei-Djen Lu; Nathan Sivin (1980). Joseph Needham, ed. Science and civilisation in China: apparatus, theories and gifts. Chemistry and chemical technology. Spagyrical discovery and invention, Volume 5, Part 4 (illustrated, reprint ed.). Cambridge University Press. p. 159. ISBN 0-521-08573-X. Retrieved January 4, 2012. Thao himself had probably seen this masterpiece, the constituents of which were said to have come in part from the conquered State of Shu in Szechuan. This reminds us that during the first thirty years of the century Shu had been the home of two outstanding experts on perfumes and aromatic drugs, Li Hsiin,4 the writer of the Hai Yao Pen Tshao* (Natural History of the Southern Countries beyond the Seas), and his younger brother Li Hsien,6 alchemist, naturalist, chess master and like Li Hsiin a poet.c The family was of Persian origin, and it is hard to believe that they were ignorant of the distillation of essential oils. Peppermint oil (po ho yu7) is said to be mentioned in the I Hsin Fang (Ishinho8) of +982, which would imply steam distillation.,
  25. Walter Joseph Fischel (1951). Walter Joseph Fischel, ed. Semitic and Oriental studies: a volume presented to William Popper, professor of Semitic languages, emeritus, on the occasion of his seventy-fifth birthday, October 29, 1949. Volume 11 of University of California publications in Semitic philology. University of California Press. p. 407. Retrieved January 4, 2012. At least from the tenth to the twelfth century, Persian women were to be found in Canton, in the former period observed among the inmates of the harem of Liu Ch'ang, Emperor of Southern Han,'2 and in the latter seen as typically wearing great numbers of earrings and cursed with quarrelsome dispositions.
  26. Walter Joseph Fischel, ed. (1951). Semitic and Oriental studies: a volume presented to William Popper, professor of Semitic languages, emeritus, on the occasion of his seventy-fifth birthday, October 29, 1949. Volume 11 of University of California publications in Semitic philology. University of California Press. p. 407. Retrieved January 4, 2012. At least from the tenth to the twelfth century, Persian women were to be found in Canton, in the former period observed among the inmates of the harem of Liu Ch'ang, Emperor of Southern Han,'2 and in the latter seen as typically wearing great numbers of earrings and cursed with quarrelsome dispositions.
  27. Tōyō Bunko (Japan). Kenkyūbu (1928). Memoirs of the Research Department of the Toyo Bunko (the Oriental Library), Issue 2. The Toyo Bunko. p. 52. Retrieved January 4, 2012. 17) Concerning the Po-sm-fu $L $f M, ie. the Persian women, Chttang Ch'o 3£$# towards the beginning of the South Sung, in his Chi-lei-pien WM, says: "The Po- ssu-fu at Kuang-chou make holes all round their ears. There are some who wear more than twenty ear-rings." M jW Hfc Sf £w. ... The ear-rings were much in fashion among the Persians in the reign of Sasan ( Spiegee, Erani^e/ie Alterthumskunde, Bd. Ill, s. 659), and after the conquest of the Saracens, the Moslem ladies had a still stronger passion for them (Hughes, Dictionary of Islam, p. 102). Original from the University of Michigan ()
  28. 1 2 Tōyō Bunko (Japan). Kenkyūbu (1928). Memoirs of the Research Department of the Toyo Bunko (the Oriental Library), Issue 2. The Toyo Bunko. p. 55. Retrieved January 4, 2012. and did not came out to see governmental business." [IF1] §§71#il5i$S£$l?;£c 3£ (2L« jfe3B,«/S+ a, SiaitB:*). In the Ch'ing-i-lu m »»(ed. of ttl&fFSSO attributed to T'AO Ku ft ft towards the beginning of the North Sung era, we have a minute description of Liu Chang's licentious conduct with the Po-ssu woman, but decency would forbid as to give quotations from the book. Original from the University of Michigan ()
  29. 1 2 Herbert Franke, ed. (1976). Sung biographies, Volume 2. Steiner. p. 620. ISBN 3-515-02412-3. Retrieved January 4, 2012. During his reign the number of castrati at the palace increased to about 5 000. Great power was also given to a palace beauty named Liu Ch'iung- hsien JäP) 3^ iA* , and especially to a female shaman Fan Hu-tzu ^ fcfi 3~ , who claimed to. . .But Liu was free to spend his days with the Persian girls in his harem, and to oversee the decoration of his splendid new palaces with costly substances. It is said that he used 3 000 taels of silver in making a single column of the ceremonial hall named Wan-cheng tien
  30. Memoirs of the Research Department of the Toyo Bunko (the Oriental Library). Retrieved January 4, 2012. 63 At the foreign quarter, there lived of course many foreign women, and they were called by the Chinese Po-ssu-fu M $f jgf (lit. Persian women),1'3 perhaps because most of them came from near the Persian Gulf.18) During the Five Dynasties 3£ ft (907-959), Liu Chang H, king of the Nan-han Wi Wh, had in his harem a young Persian woman, whom he doted upon so much Original from the University of Michigan (63 At the foreign quarter, there lived of course many foreign women, and they were called by the Chinese Po-ssu-fu 波斯婦 (lit. Persian women),1'3 perhaps because most of them came from near the Persian Gulf.18) During the Five Dynasties 五代 (907-959), Liu Chang 劉鋹, king of the Nan-han 南漢, had in his harem a young Persian woman, whom he doted upon so much|title=Memoirs of the Research Department of the Toyo Bunko (the Oriental Library), Issue 2|year=1928|volume=|author=Tōyō Bunko (Japan). Kenkyūbu|editor=|edition=|location= |publisher=The Toyo Bunko |page=34|isbn=|Original from the University of Michigan ()
  31. History of Science Society, Académie internationale d'histoire des sciences (1939). Isis, Volume 30. Publication and Editorial Office, Dept. of History and Sociology of Science, University of Pennsylvania. p. 120. Retrieved February 9, 2011.
  32. Roger Darrobers (1998). Opéra de Pékin: théâtre et société à la fin de l'empire sino-mandchou. Bleu de Chine. p. 31. ISBN 2-910884-19-8. Retrieved January 4, 2012. L'expression trouvait son origine sous le règne de Liu Chang (958-971), ultime souverain des Han du sud (917-971), un des États apparus dans la Chine du nord après la chute des Tang, avant que les Song ne réalisent pour leur propre... Liu Chang se rallia au nouveau pouvoir qui lui conféra le titre de Marquis de la Bienveillante Amnistie 17. Son règne a laissé le souvenir de ses nombreuses dépravations. S'en remettant aux eunuques pour gouverner, il prenait plaisir à assister aux ébats de jeunes personnes entièrement dévêtues. Il avait pour favorite une Persane de seize ans, à la peau mate et aux formes opulentes, d'une extrême sensualité qu'il avait lui-même surnommée « Meizhu » (« Jolie Truie »). Il déambulait en sa compagnie parmi les couples s'ébattant dans les jardins du palais, spectacle baptisé « corps en duo », on rapporte qu'il aimait voir la Persanne livrée à d'autres partenaires 18. Original from the University of Michigan
  33. Xiu Ouyang; Richard L. Davis (2004). Historical records of the five dynasties (illustrated, annotated ed.). Columbia University Press. p. 544. ISBN 0-231-12826-6. Retrieved January 4, 2012. Liu Chang, originally named Jixing, had been invested Prince of Wei. . .Because court affairs were monopolized by Gong Chengshu and cohort, Liu Chang in the inner palace could play his debauched games with female attendants, including a Persian. He never again emerged to inquire of state affairs
  34. 文人誤會:宋真宗寫錯了一個字(5)
  35. HONG KONG BEFORE THE CHINESE THE FRAME, THE PUZZLE AND THE MISSING PIECES A lecture delivered on 18trh November 1963 by K. M. A. Barnett
  36. Royal Asiatic Society of Great Britain and Ireland. North China Branch, Shanghai, China Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, Royal Asiatic Society of Great Britain and Ireland. China Branch, Shanghai Literary and Scientific Society (1890). Journal of the North China Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, Volume 24. SHANGHAI: Kelly & Walsh. p. 299. Retrieved January 4, 2012.
  37. Tōyō Bunko (Japan). Kenkyūbu (1928). Memoirs of the Research Department of the Toyo Bunko (the Oriental Library), Issue 2. The Toyo Bunko. p. 54. Retrieved January 4, 2012. 22) In the Wu-tai-shih-cM 2.^ jfc,12, we read, "Liu Chang then with his court- ladies and Po-ssu woman, indulged in amorous affiurs in the harem The names of Po-li i£ >f Il ( = P'o-li JSiflJ) and Original from the University of Michigan ()
  38. University of California (1868-1952), University of California (System), University of California, Berkeley (1951). University of California Publications in Semitic Philology, Volumes 11-12. University of California Press.
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  50. "全覽". 雞肋編 (四庫全書本).   廣州波斯婦繞耳皆穿穴𢃄環有二十餘枚者家家以篾為門人食梹榔唾地如血北人嘲之曰人人皆吐血家家盡篾門又婦女凶悍喜闘訟雖SKchar刑責而不畏恥寢陋尤甚豈秀美之氣鍾於緑珠而已耶
  51. "全覽2". 説郛 (四庫全書本). 泉福二州婦人轎子則用金漆雇婦人以荷福州以為肩擎至他男子則不肻肩也廣州波斯婦繞耳皆穿穴帶環有二十餘枚者家家以篾為門人食㯽榔唾地如血北人嘲之曰人人皆唾血家家盡篾門又婦人㐫悍喜鬬訟雖遭刑責而不畏恥寢陋尤甚豈秀美之氣中於緑珠而已邪
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  56. 伊斯兰教徒自称穆斯林,译自波斯语Muslemen,Mussulman,源出阿拉伯语Muslim,元代译作木速蛮、木速儿蛮、谋速鲁蛮、没速鲁蛮、铺速满、普速完、蒲速斡,宋代译作菩萨蛮,同出一源。参见:http://bbs.whu.edu.cn/wForum/boardcon.php?bid=138&id=0&ftype=1&num=487
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  126. Wu Zhen ~ 吳震 "Tangdai Sichou zhilu yu hu nubi maimai" 唐代絲綢之路與胡奴婢買賣吐魯番. (The Silk Road of the Tang dynasty and the sale and purchase of non-Chinese slaves). In 1994 nian Dunhuangxue guoji yantaohui wenji 1994 年敦煌學國際研討會文集 ed. Dunhuang yanjiuyuan 敦煌研究院 (Lanzhou: Gansu minzu chubanshe, 2000) pp. 128-154.
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  129. 郭, 雪妮 (2012) [2012(北京师范大学文学院北京100875)]. "酒肆论文摘要,唐代"胡姬"诗与现代日本的西域想象". 长安学刊 (003).
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  133. 《唐代长安西市中的胡姬与丝绸之路上的女奴贸易》,《西域研究》,2006年第2期。
  134. 粟特文买婢契与丝绸之路上的女奴贸易林梅村文物
  135. 粟特人与丝绸之路中文期刊论文目录 根据中国知网整理:方建勇(Fang Jianyong)/2006-2008年就读于浙江大学中国古代史研究生班
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  137. 荣, 新江 (2014-09-09). "从撒马尔干到长安——中古时期粟特人的迁徙与入居(《中古中国与粟特文明》代序言)". Kaogu via via 三联学术通讯.
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  139. "温翠芳特聘研究员". 西南大学伊朗研究中心. 2017-12-27.
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  141. Trombert, Éric; de La Vaissière, Étienne (2005). "The Impact of the Silk Road Trade on a Local Community: The Turfan Oasis, 500-800". Les sogdiens en Chine (PDF). Volume 17 of Études thématiques. École française d'Extrême-Orient. p. 299. ISBN 2855396530.
  142. Whitfield, Susan (2015). Life along the Silk Road: Second Edition (2, reprint ed.). Univ of California Press. p. 90. ISBN 0520960297.
  143. Skaff, Jonathan Karam (1998). "Sasanian and Arab-Sasanian Silver Coins from Turfan: Their Relationship to International Trade and the Local Economy". Asia Major. THIRD SERIES. Academia Sinica. 11 (2): 97. JSTOR 41645542.
  144. 1 2 Skaff, Jonathan Karam (2003). "The Sogdian Trade Diaspora in East Turkestan during the Seventh and Eighth Centuries". Journal of the Economic and Social History of the Orient. Brill. 46 (4): 506. JSTOR 3632829.
  145. Skaff, Jonathan Karam (2003). "The Sogdian Trade Diaspora in East Turkestan during the Seventh and Eighth Centuries". Journal of the Economic and Social History of the Orient. Brill. 46 (4): 508. JSTOR 3632829.
  146. Skaff, Jonathan Karam (2003). "The Sogdian Trade Diaspora in East Turkestan during the Seventh and Eighth Centuries". Journal of the Economic and Social History of the Orient. Brill. 46 (4): 510. JSTOR 3632829.
  147. 杨, 瑾 (Sep 2010). "从出土文物看唐代的胡人女性形象[1]". 乾陵文化研究. 西安: 三秦出版社 (五).
  148. Hansen, Valerie (2003). "New Work on the Sogdians, the Most Important Traders on the Silk Road, A.D. 500-1000". T'oung Pao. Brill. 89 (1/3): 158. JSTOR 4528925.
  149. 李, 白 (唐). 少年行 (五陵年少金市東). 五陵年少金市東,銀鞍白馬度春風。 落花踏盡遊何處,笑入胡姬酒肆中。 Check date values in: |date= (help)
  150. 李, 白 (唐). 襄陽歌. Check date values in: |date= (help)
  151. "传说中的曹野那:唐玄宗竟有来自中亚的洋贵妃". 趣历史网. 2017-06-24.
  152. "唐玄宗有一位来自中亚的洋贵妃:曹野那(图)". 深圳新闻网. 2008年02月18日. Check date values in: |date= (help)
  153. "曹野那:唐玄宗曾经最喜欢的"洋贵妃"(1)". 新华网. 2016-11-15.
  154. "你知道嗎?這些皇帝也愛洋人曾談異國戀". CTnews話題. 2016-08-08.
  155. "传说中的曹野那唐玄宗竟有来自中亚的洋贵妃". 最图图.
  156. "唐玄宗有位來自中亞的洋貴妃". 書味頻道_新浪網-北美. 2014-03-27.
  157. "唐玄宗有位洋貴妃?". 大陸頻道_新浪網-北美. 2010年01月27日. Check date values in: |date= (help)
  158. "歷數古代中國帝王們的洋情人 朱棣朝鮮愛妃曝光【8】". --讀書--人民網. 2012-09-25.
  159. Trombert, Éric; de La Vaissière, Étienne (2005). Les sogdiens en Chine. Volume 17 of Études thématiques. École française d'Extrême-Orient. p. 306. ISBN 2855396530.
  160. Trombert, Éric; de La Vaissière, Étienne (2005). Les sogdiens en Chine. Volume 17 of Études thématiques. École française d'Extrême-Orient. p. 305. ISBN 2855396530.
  161. Shiba, Ryōtarō (2003). Takemoto, Akiko, ed. 空海の風景 Kukai the Universal (illustrated ed.). ICG Muse. pp. 127, 132, 135. ISBN 4925080474.
  162. Mair, Victor H. (2000). The Shorter Columbia Anthology of Traditional Chinese Literature. Columbia Asian studies series (abridged, illustrated ed.). Columbia University Press. pp. 278–281. ISBN 0231119992.
  163. Mair, Victor H. (2000). The Shorter Columbia Anthology of Traditional Chinese Literature. Columbia Asian studies series (abridged, illustrated ed.). Columbia University Press. pp. 278–281. ISBN 0231119984.
  164. Mair, Victor H., ed. (2012). The Shorter Columbia Anthology of Traditional Chinese Literature. Translations from the Asian Classics (abridged ed.). Columbia University Press. p. 278. ISBN 0231505620.
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  169. Bulliet, Richard; Crossley, Pamela; Headrick, Daniel; Hirsch, Steven; Johnson, Lyman (2014). The Earth and Its Peoples, Brief: A Global History (6 ed.). Cengage Learning. p. 187. ISBN 130514709X.
  170. Bulliet, Richard; Crossley, Pamela; Headrick, Daniel; Hirsch, Steven; Johnson, Lyman (2014). The Earth and Its Peoples, Brief Volume I: To 1550: A Global History, Volume 1 (6, revised ed.). Cengage Learning. p. 187. ISBN 128544552X.
  171. Bulliet, Richard; Crossley, Pamela; Headrick, Daniel; Hirsch, Steven; Johnson, Lyman (2011). The Earth and Its Peoples, Brief Edition, Volume 1 (5 ed.). Cengage Learning. p. 187. ISBN 1133171117.
  172. Bulliet, Richard; Crossley, Pamela; Headrick, Daniel; Hirsch, Steven; Johnson, Lyman (2014). The Earth and Its Peoples, Brief Volume I: To 1550: A Global History, Volume 1 (6, revised ed.). Cengage Learning. p. 187. ISBN 128544552X.
  173. Bulliet, Richard; Crossley, Pamela; Headrick, Daniel; Hirsch, Steven; Johnson, Lyman; Northrup, David (2007). The Earth and Its Peoples: A Global History to 1200 (4, illustrated ed.). Houghton Mifflin. p. 226. ISBN 0618771522.
  174. 白, 居易. 胡旋女. 天寶末,康居國獻之。胡旋女,胡旋女。心應弦,手應鼓。弦鼓一聲雙袖舉,回雪飄搖轉蓬舞。左旋右轉不知疲,千匝萬周無已時。人間物類無可比,奔車輪緩旋風遲。曲終再拜謝天子,天子為之微啟齒。胡旋女,出康居,徒勞東來萬里余。中原自有胡旋者,鬥妙爭能爾不如。天寶季年時欲變,臣妾人人學圜轉。中有太真外祿山,二人最道能胡旋。梨花園中冊作妃,金雞障下養為兒。祿山胡旋迷君眼,兵過黃河疑未反。貴妃胡旋惑君心,死棄馬嵬念更深。從茲地軸天維轉,五十年來制不禁。胡旋女,莫空舞,數唱此歌悟明主。
  175. 白, 居易 (唐). 胡旋女-戒近習也. 胡旋女,胡旋女。心應弦,手應鼓。弦鼓一聲雙袖舉,回雪飄颻轉蓬舞。左旋右轉不知疲,千匝萬周無已時。人間物類無可比,奔車輪緩旋風遲。曲終再拜謝天子,天子為之微啟齒。胡旋女,出康居,徒勞東來萬里餘。中原自有胡旋者,鬥妙爭能爾不如。天寶季年時欲變,臣妾人人學圜轉。中有太真外祿山,二人最道能胡旋。梨花園中冊作妃,金雞障下養為兒。祿山胡旋迷君眼,兵過黃河疑未反。貴妃胡旋惑君心,死棄馬嵬念更深。從茲地軸天維轉,五十年來制不禁。胡旋女,莫空舞,數唱此歌悟明主。 Check date values in: |date= (help)
  176. 樂府詩集 (四庫全書本). 卷097. 胡旋女  白居易傳曰天寳末康居國獻胡旋女唐書樂志曰康居國樂舞急轉如風俗謂之胡旋樂府雜録曰胡旋舞居一小圜毬子上舞縱横騰擲兩足終不離毬上其妙如此
  177. 樂府詩集 (四部叢刊本). 卷第九十七. 胡旋女 白居易傳曰天寳末康居國獻胡旋女唐 書樂志曰康居國樂舞急轉如風俗謂之 胡旋樂府雜録曰胡旋舞居一小圜毬子 上舞縱横騰擲兩足終不離毬上其妙如 此
  178. 樂府詩集. 097卷. 北宋. 胡旋女白居易傳曰:「天寶末,康居國獻胡旋女。」《唐書.樂志》曰:「康居國樂舞急轉如風,俗謂之胡旋。」《樂府雜錄》曰:「胡旋舞居一小圓球子上舞,縱橫騰擲,兩足終不離球上,其妙如此。」天寶欲末胡欲亂。胡人獻女能胡旋。旋得明王不覺迷,妖胡奄到長生殿。胡旋之義世莫知,胡旋之容我能傳。蓬斷霜根羊角疾,竿戴朱盤火輪炫。驪珠迸珥逐飛星,虹暈輕巾掣流電。潛鯨暗噏笡波海,回風亂舞當空霰。萬過其誰辨終始,四座安能分背面。才人觀者相為言,承奉君恩在圓變。是非好惡隨君口,南北東西逐君眄。柔軟依身著珮帶,徘徊繞指同環釧。佞臣聞此心計回,熒惑君心君眼眩。君言似曲屈為鉤,君言好直舒為箭。巧隨清影觸處行,妙學春鶯百般囀。傾天側地用君力,抑塞周遮恐君見。翠華南幸萬里橋,玄宗始悟坤維轉。寄言旋目與旋心,有國有家當其譴。 Check date values in: |date= (help)
  179. 白居易, 居易 (唐). 白氏長慶集 (四部叢刊本). "卷第三". 胡旋女 天寳末康居國獻之 胡旋女胡旋女心應絃手應鼔SKchar鼔一聲 雙袖舉廻雪飄颻轉蓬舞左旋右轉不知 疲千匝萬周無巳時人間物類無可比奔 車輪緩旋風遲曲終再拜謝天子天子爲 之㣲啓齒胡旋女出康居徒勞東來萬里 餘中原自有胡旋者闘妙爭能爾不如天 寳季年時欲變臣妾人人學圎轉中有太 眞外禄山二人最道能胡旋梨花園中冊 作妃金雞障下養爲兒禄山胡旋迷君眼 兵過黄河疑未反貴妃胡旋惑君心死棄 馬嵬念更深從兹地軸天維轉五十年來 制不禁胡旋女莫空舞數唱此歌悟明主 Check date values in: |date= (help)
  180. 白氏文集. 卷003. 胡旋女 戒近習也 胡旋女,胡旋女。心應弦,手應鼓。弦鼓一聲雙袖舉,回雪飄颻轉蓬舞。左旋右轉不知疲,千匝萬周無已時。人間物類無可比,奔車輪緩旋風遲。曲終再拜謝天子,天子為之微啟齒。胡旋女,出康居,徒勞東來萬里餘。中原自有胡旋者,鬥妙爭能爾不如。天寶季年時欲變,臣妾人人學圜轉。中有太真外祿山,二人最道能胡旋。梨花園中冊作妃,金雞障下養為兒。祿山胡旋迷君眼,兵過黃河疑未反。貴妃胡旋惑君心,死棄馬嵬念更深。從茲地軸天維轉,五十年來制不禁。胡旋女,莫空舞,數唱此歌悟明主。
  181. 白, 居易 (唐朝). 白氏長慶集. 卷003. 胡旋女天寶末,康居國獻之。胡旋女,胡旋女。心應弦,手應鼓。弦鼓一聲雙袖舉,回雪飄搖轉蓬舞。左旋右轉不知疲,千匝萬周無已時。人間物類無可比,奔車輪緩旋風遲。曲終再拜謝天子,天子為之微啟齒。胡旋女,出康居,徒勞東來萬里余。中原自有胡旋者,鬥妙爭能爾不如。天寶季年時欲變,臣妾人人學圜轉。中有太真外祿山,二人最道能胡旋。梨花園中冊作妃,金雞障下養為兒。祿山胡旋迷君眼,兵過黃河疑未反。貴妃胡旋惑君心,死棄馬嵬念更深。從茲地軸天維轉,五十年來制不禁。胡旋女,莫空舞,數唱此歌悟明主。 Check date values in: |date= (help)
  182. 白, 居易 (唐朝). https://zh.wikisource.org/wiki/%E6%96%B0%E6%A8%82%E5%BA%9C#%E8%83%A1%E6%97%8B%E5%A5%B3. 胡旋女天寶末,康居國獻之。胡旋女,胡旋女。心應弦,手應鼓。弦鼓一聲雙袖舉,回雪飄搖轉蓬舞。左旋右轉不知疲,千匝萬周無已時。人間物類無可比,奔車輪緩旋風遲。曲終再拜謝天子,天子為之微啟齒。胡旋女,出康居,徒勞東來萬里余。中原自有胡旋者,鬥妙爭能爾不如。天寶季年時欲變,臣妾人人學圜轉。中有太真外祿山,二人最道能胡旋。梨花園中冊作妃,金雞障下養為兒。祿山胡旋迷君眼,兵過黃河疑未反。貴妃胡旋惑君心,死棄馬嵬念更深。從茲地軸天維轉,五十年來制不禁。胡旋女,莫空舞,數唱此歌悟明主。 Check date values in: |date= (help); Missing or empty |title= (help)
  183. 白香山詩集 (四庫全書本). 卷03. 胡旋女 戒近習也〈天寶末康居國獻之〉 胡旋女胡旋女心應SKchar手應鼔絃鼔一聲雙袖舉迴雪飄颻〈一作風飄飄〉轉蓬舞左旋右轉不知疲千帀萬周無已時人間物類無可比奔車輪緩旋風遲曲終再拜謝天子天子為之微啟齒胡旋女出康居徒勞東來萬里餘中原自有胡旋者鬭妙爭能爾不如天寶季年時欲變臣妾人人學圎轉中有太真外祿山二人最道能胡旋梨花園中冊作妃金雞障下養為兒祿山胡旋迷君眼兵過黄河疑未反貴妃胡旋惑君心死棄馬嵬念更深從兹地軸天維轉五十年來制不禁胡旋女莫空舞數唱此歌悟明主
  184. 文苑英華 (四庫全書本). 卷0335. 胡旋女〈天寳末康居國來獻〉 前 人 胡旋女胡旋女心應絃手應皷SKchar皷一聲䨇袖舉廻雪飄颻轉SKchar舞左旋右轉不知疲千匝萬周無巳時人間物類無可比奔車輪緩旋風遲曲終再拜謝天子天子為之微啓齒胡旋女出康居徒勞東來萬里餘中原自有胡旋者鬬妙争能爾不如天寳末年時欲變臣妾人人學圓轉中有太真外禄山二人最是能胡旋梨花園中册作妃金鷄障下養為兒禄山胡旋迷君眼兵過黄河疑未反貴妃胡旋惑君心死棄馬嵬念更深從兹地軸天維轉五十年來制不禁胡旋女莫空舞數唱此歌悟明主
  185. 近事㑹元 (四庫全書本). 卷4. 胡旋舞 唐明皇天寳六載安禄山為上所寵加范陽節度使先是康居國貢胡旋舞女爾後安禄山與楊妃俱言其藝傳之者不述舞態上交按白樂天歌詞云胡旋舞手應弦足應鼔絃一聲雙袖舞左右轉不知疲千周萬匝無己時又云胡旋女出康居徒勞東來萬里餘中原自有能胡旋鬭妙爭能爾不如中有太真外禄山二人最是能胡旋禄山胡旋迷君眼兵過黄河疑未反太真胡旋感君心死棄馬嵬念更深從兹地軸天維轉五十年來制不禁 舞馬
  186. Mair, Victor H. (1994). Mair, Victor H., ed. The Columbia Anthology of Traditional Chinese Literature. Translations from the Asian classics (revised ed.). Columbia University Press. p. 487.
  187. Mair, Victor H. (1994). Mair, Victor H., ed. The Columbia Anthology of Traditional Chinese Literature. Translations from the Asian classics (revised ed.). Columbia University Press. p. 488.
  188. Schafer, Edward H. (1963). The Golden Peaches of Samarkand: A Study of T'ang Exotics. Volume 742 of History: University of California Press (illustrated, reprint, revised ed.). University of California Press. ISBN 0520054628.
  189. Shiloah, Amnon (2001). Music in the World of Islam: A Socio-Cultural Study (illustrated, reprint ed.). Wayne State University Press. p. 8. ISBN 0814329705.
  190. Weinberger, Eliot (2009). Oranges & Peanuts for Sale. Volume 1148 of New Directions Paperbook. New Directions Publishing. p. 117. ISBN 0811218341.
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  194. University of California (1868-1952), University of California (System), University of California, Berkeley (1951). University of California Publications in Semitic Philology, Volumes 11-12. University of California Press. p. 410. It resembles closely the stories discovered recently at Tun- huang, and also such ch'uan-ch'i as the Chou Ch'in hsing chi and the Ch'in Regions who serve the fire deity . . ." See also Hsiang Ta, op. cit., for probable cultural influences in China from Iranian lands which are classified as hu. Thus certain hu dances and dancing girls called hu originated in Tashkent and Samarkand. " ch'iung po-ssu. See Li Shang-yin, Tsa-tsuan in T'ang-jen shuo-hui 7.1a. 60 Hu P'u-an and Hu Huai-ch'en, ...
  195. Mahler, Jane Gaston (1959). The Westerners Among the Figurines of the T'ang Dynasty of China. Serie orientale Roma. Instituto italiano per il Medio ed Estremo Oriente. p. 19. (book search: dancing girls Persia China). ... a) Though this type of dress did not change Chinese fashion at the time (and it is unlikely that it would, for the native population probably had little regard for what they must have thought of as the inferior Barbarian styles of the conquerors), ... Annals note the importation of these entertainers: in the K'ai-yiian and T'ien-pao eras (713 to 755), Persia had sent ten embassies bearing gifts, among them a bed of agate, troops of dancing girls, and " Woolen embroideries the color of fire, ...
  196. Mahler, Jane Gaston (1959). Serie orientale Roma, Volume 20. Serie orientale Roma, Istituto italiano per il Medio ed Estremo Oriente. Istituto italiano per il Medio ed Estremo Oriente. p. 19. Though this type of dress did not change Chinese fashion at the time (and it is unlikely that it would, for the native population probably had little regard for what they must have thought of as the inferior Barbarian styles of the conquerors), it did return ... and T'ien-pao eras (713 to 755), Persia had sent ten embassies bearing gifts, among them a bed of agate, troops of dancing girls, and " Woolen embroideries the color of fire, "3) the last item being interpreted by Laufer as being asbestos.
  197. Oz, Avraham (1993). Assaph: Studies in the theatre, Issues 9-10. Faculty of Visual and Performing Arts, Tel-Aviv University. p. 89. Masks in Medieval Arabic Theatre Shmuel Moreh Hebrew University, Jerusalem In pre-Islamic period theatre and dance in Asia were indebted largely to ancient Greek and Persian ritual cults. Greek and Persian theatrical ... in India and even in China. A Chinese chronical from the time of the Emperor Yan-Si 605-616 reports that ten young dancing girls were sent from Persia to China to entertain the Emperor.3 Persian dancers were sent as a present to important Chinese personalities ...
  198. ASSAPH.: Studies in the theatre, Issues 9-12. Faculty of Visual and Performing Arts, Tel Aviv University. 1993. p. 89. Masks in Medieval Arabic Theatre Shmuel Moreh Hebrew University, Jerusalem In pre-Islamic period theatre and dance in Asia were indebted largely to ancient Greek and Persian ritual cults. Greek and Persian theatrical ... in India and even in China. A Chinese chronical from the time of the Emperor Yan-Si 605-616 reports that ten young dancing girls were sent from Persia to China to entertain the Emperor.3 Persian dancers were sent as a present to important Chinese personalities.
  199. Ross, Laurie Margot (2016). The Encoded Cirebon Mask: Materiality, Flow, and Meaning along Java's Islamic Northwest Coast. Studies on Performing Arts & Literature of the Islamicate World. BRILL. p. 44. ISBN 9004315217.
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  203. China Archaeology & Art Digest, Volume 2, Issue 1. Art Text (HK) Limited. 1997. p. 85. Huxuan $\fk, huteng #JJBt and zhezhi Mi$L were the Chinese names for the most popular dances in Chang'an and Luoyang in the Tang dynasty; all originated in Serindia. According to Du You's ttfft Tang dynasty work Tong dian MH, huxuan dancing originated in the Kang state $i[iS established by one branch of the Sogdians BB^Att and located in what is today Uzbekistan. It is still uncertain when the huxuan dance was introduced to the Central Plains, but during the period from ...
  204. China Archaeology and Art Digest, Volume 2, Issues 1-2. Art Text (HK) Limited. 1997. p. 85. Huxuan i^te, huteng i*'fl)jS and zhezhi Sj+i were the Chinese names for the most popular dances in Chang'an and Luoyang in the Tang dynasty; all originated in Serindia. According to Du You's tt#f Tang dynasty work Tong dian &A, huxuan dancing originated in the Kang state ^$l established by one branch of the Sogdians BSa£A.tt and located in what is today Uzbekistan. It is still uncertain when the huxuan dance was introduced to the Central Plains, but during the period from ...
  205. Zhuo, Xinping (2017). Religious Faith of the Chinese. China Insights. Dong Zhao. Springer. p. 125. ISBN 9811063796.
  206. Valenstein, Suzanne G. (2007). Cultural Convergence in the Northern Qi Period: A Flamboyant Chinese Ceramic Container : a Research Monograph. Metropolitan Museum of Art. p. 70. ISBN 1588392112.
  207. Trombert, Éric; de La Vaissière, Étienne (2005). Les sogdiens en Chine. Volume 17 of Études thématiques. École française d'Extrême-Orient. p. 95. ISBN 2855396530.
  208. Académie des inscriptions & belles-lettres (France), Fondation Eugène Piot (2005). Monuments et mémoires publiés par l'Académie des inscriptions et belles-lettres. Volume 84 of Monuments et mémoires. E. Leroux. p. 80.
  209. Musée Guimet (Paris, France) (2004). Lit de pierre, sommeil barbare: présentation, après restauration et remontage, d'une banquette funéraire ayant appartenu à un aristocrate d'Asie centrale venu s'établir en Chine au VIe siècle, Musée Guimet, 13 avril-24 mai 2004. Musée Guimet. p. 42. ISBN 295215970X.
  210. Hong Kong. Urban Council, Hong Kong, Cultural Bureau of Shaanxi, Cultural Bureau of Shaanxi. Overseas Exhibitions Dep (1993). Treasures of Chang-an: capital of the Silk Road. Urban Council. p. 28. ISBN 9622151175.
  211. Fu ren da xue (Beijing, China), S.V.D. Research Institute, Society of the Divine Word, Monumenta Serica Institute (2000). Monumenta Serica, Volume 48. Monumenta serica. H. Vetch. p. 25.
  212. Laufer, Berthold (1919). Sino-Iranica: Chinese Contributions to the History of Civilization in Ancient Iran, with Special Reference to the History of Cultivated Plants and Products, Volume 15, Issue 3. Publication Series. Volume 15. Field Museum of Natural History. p. 494.
  213. Laufer, Berthold (1919). Publication: Anthropological series, Volume 15, Issue 3. Volume 15. Field Museum of Natural History. The Museum. p. 494.
  214. Hansen, Valerie (2005). "The Tribute Trade with Khotan in Light of Materials Found at the Dunhuang Library Cave". Bulletin of the Asia Institute. New Series. Bulletin of the Asia Institute, a Non-Profit Corporation. 19, Iranian and Zoroastrian Studies in Honor of Prods Oktor Skjærvø: 39. JSTOR 24049203.
  • Hansen, Valerie (1999). "THE SILK ROAD PROJECT REUNITING TURFAN'S SCATTERED TREASURES". Revue Bibliographique de Sinologie. Nouvelle série. EHESS. 17: 63–73. JSTOR 24581348.
  • De La Vaissière, Étienne (2005). Sogdian Traders: A History. Volume 10 of Handbuch der Orientalistik: Handbook of Oriental studies. James Ward. Brill. ISBN 978-90-04-14252-7.
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