EOKA

EOKA
ΕΟΚΑ
Participant in Cyprus Emergency and Cypriot intercommunal violence
Active 1955–1959
Ideology Anti-imperialism
Greek nationalism
Enosis
Anti-communism
Leaders Georgios Grivas(Digenis)
Headquarters Cyprus
Size 250 regulars and 1000 active underground[1]
Allies Greece
Opponents British Empire
Turkish Resistance Organisation

EOKA (/eɪˈoʊkə/; Greek: ΕΟΚΑ), acronym for Ethniki Organosis Kyprion Agoniston [lower-alpha 1] was a Greek Cypriot nationalist guerrilla organisation that fought a campaign for the end of British rule in Cyprus, for the island's self-determination and for eventual union with Greece.[3]

Background

Cyprus, an island in eastern Mediterranean, inhabited mostly by Greek and Turkish populations, was part of the Ottoman empire until 4 June 1878, when in the aftermath of the Russo-Turkish War, it was handed to the British empire.[4] As nationalistic tendencies were growing in both communities of Cyprus, Greek Cypriots were leaning towards Enosis (Union with Greece) which was a part of Megali idea. The origins of Enosis date back to 1821, the year when the Greek War of Independence commenced, and the archbishop of Cyprus, his archdeacon, and three bishops were beheaded, amongst other atrocities. In 1828, Count Ioannis Kapodistrias, the first governor of Greece, asked for the union of Cyprus with Greece, while small-scale uprisings also occurred.[5] In 1878, when British general Wolsely came to Cyprus to formally establish British rule, he was met by the archbishop of Kition who, after welcoming him, requested that Britain cede Cyprus to Greece.[5] Initially, the Greek Cypriots welcomed British rule because they were aware that the British had returned the Ionian Islands to Greece in 1864, and they were also hoping for British investment in Cyprus.[6] In 1912 the British government offered Greece to exchange Cyprus for a naval base in Argostoli, Kefalonia, in order to gain control of the Ionian sea an offer which was repeated in 1913. In 1915, the British offered several times Cyprus to Greece, in exchange for Greece's participation in World War I. But while Greece was undecided whether it should enter the War, the British government withdrew its offer.[7] By 1915, the Greek Cypriots seeing that neither the British investment, nor Enosis, had materialised, increased their opposition to British rule.[6] In the beginning, the Enosis movement had only few supporters mainly from the upper classes.[8][9][10][11] But that was about to change as two groups of disappointed with the new ruler began to form: the Church and the Usurers. In the following years a growing number of Cypriots were studying in Greece, and upon their return, they became strong advocates of Enosis.[11][12] On the other hand, the Turkish Cypriot community started to develop its own nationalism in the early 20th century, as news arrived in the island about the persecutions faced by Muslims in the countries that formed after the collapse of Ottoman Empire.[13][14]

In the 1950s, EOKA was established with the specific aim of mounting a military campaign to end the status of Cyprus as a British crown colony and achieving the island's unification with Greece. The leadership of AKEL at the time, the island's communist party, opposed EOKA's military action, advocating a "Gandhiesque approach" of civil disobedience, such as workers' strikes and demonstrations.[15]

Initially, the struggle was political, as opposed to military. EOKA, in Grivas' words, wanted to attract the attention of the world through high-profile operations that would make headlines.[16] In his memoirs Grivas claims he was attempting "by deeds of heroism and self sacrifice to draw the attention of international public opinion, especially among the allies of Greece".

Ideology

The ideology of EOKA was nationalistic, conservative, anti-communist and religious.[17][18] Grivas's ideas resonated because they were compatible with the ideas cultivated by Greek Cypriots through education, Church action, the press, and the political elites. EOKA was characterized by religiosity. OXEN, PEON and ThOI[lower-alpha 2] were sources of fighters. [19][20] The Church recruited and funded the struggle. The priests of the villages blessed the weapons. Essential elements among the letters of the convicted-to-death fighters, were the invocation of God, Christ, faith and prayer.[21] Grivas and the Church transmitted their anticommunism to EOKA members. There was a widespread impression that leftists were national traitors and should not have a say on national matters. Moreover, it was thought that the communist ideology leads to slavery.[22]

According to Andrew R. Novo, the similarities with the X organization in Greece were more than obvious. According to Novo, Grivas was an advocate of the Great Idea and transferred to EOKA this notion. Emphasis on the ethnic identity was implemented. Novo states that EOKA’s quasi-fascist pedigree reinforced the rhetorical ideals of the virtues of Greek civilisation, the heroes of 1821, and the superiority of Greek blood. According to Novo, these were not the only fascist echoes. According to Novo, EOKA portrayed violence as a cathartic obligation, and its leaders, particularly Grivas, valued absolute ruthlessness especially towards members who betrayed it.[23]

In sharp difference with other anticolonial insurgencies in Africa or Asia, where marxist movements led the struggle, in Cyprus it was the right-wing EOKA that carried the armed campaign, while the communist party of AKEL kept a neutral stance.[24]

Tactics


EOKA divided its military campaign into a rural and an urban one.[25] At the high of the campaign in 1956, EOKA consisted of no more than 350 armed men, operating in groups of 5-15 men in the mountain of Troodos and 50 urban groups of 4-5 persons in urban areas. Another 750 passive members of EOKA were organised in village groups while youth and children were carrying arms[26] Initially, the EOKA's mode of action was sabotage. EOKA was attacking security forces, police stations, barracks, military cars, governmental buildings, power stations, cafes, bars, cinemas and restaurants that British personnel used to relax[27] Within 1955 there were 405 bomb attacks in various police, military buildings, public building or houses. In 1956 the number raised to 972.[28]

EOKA also used intimidation towards local population. A number of scholars characterize EOKA as a terrorist organization due attack on public utilities, assassination of members of the security forces, civil servants or civilians suspected of collaborating with the government [29]

Personnel

Estimates of the number of people who joined EOKA vary considerably.[30] At the beginning of the armed struggle, EOKA numbered about 80 members. It grew over time, but in 1960 a British army report suggested that at any one moment EOKA never had more than 200-300 hard-core members. Grivas's own figures suggest that by early 1956 EOKA had about 270 hardcore members in the mountain gangs and town groups, and about 750 members of village groups. Averoff-Tossizza broadly agreed with British estimates for hard-core fighters, putting the figure at no more than 300 at any one time. In their own history the EOKA veterans association, which had good reason to inflate active membership in order to justify its claim that EOKA enjoyed the support of the united Greek Cypriot community, claimed that 340 men were members of guerrilla bands but considering associate organizations such as PEKA, and ANE the number could rise to as many as 25,000.[31]

According to Kraemer, at the peak of the conflict, EOKA' paramilitary numbered 1,250 members (250 regulars plus 1,000 active underground). They faced British security forces totaling 40,000 (32,000 regulars plus 8,000 auxiliaries)[1] EOKA was allegedly clandestinely supported by the Greek Government in the form of arms, money and propaganda on radio stations broadcast from Athens. The total cost of running the campaign was reported to be GBP £50,000 (US $140,000) for the whole 4 years.[32]

People did not join EOKA out of a sense of economic grievance. Attempts to link the cause of Enosis with economic issues were viewed by EOKA's members with disdain. The outstanding feature of EOKA’s rank and file was their youth. The most active members of EOKA were aged between 16 and 25. More than 87 percent of all those brought to trial for offenses ranging from possession of firearms, throwing bombs or murder, were below the age of 25. Thirty-two percent of them were high school students. According to British historian David French, the median age of the nine executed men, charged by the British colonial administration with terrorist offences, was only 22.185 Of the 1118 men in detention in June 1957, 65 per cent were below the age of 26, and nearly one in five was 19 or younger. Most had finished their elementary education, and many had migrated from their home villages to nearby towns.[33]

The organisation was headed by Georgios Grivas. A graduate of the Hellenic Military Academy, Grivas had served as an officer in the Greek Army. He had fought in both World Wars. During the German occupation of Greece in World War II, he led a small, anti-communist resistance[lower-alpha 3] group, named Organization X.[34][35] Grivas assumed the nom de guerre Digenis in direct reference to the legendary Byzantine Digenis Akritas who repelled invaders from the Byzantine Empire. Second in command in EOKA was Grigoris Afxentiou, also a former officer of the Greek army. Afxentiou had graduated from the reserves Officers Academy in 1950 with no prior experience in military operations.

Armed campaign

The first declaration made by EOKA, distributed in April 1955 outlining their raison d’être. See below for English translation.
The first declaration made by EOKA, distributed in April 1955. (Words in capitals kept as such)

EOKA

ANNOUNCEMENT

With God’s help, with faith in the righteousness of our struggle, with the aid of all Hellenism

WE HEREBY TAKE ON THE STRUGGLE TO RID US (Cyprus) OF THE BRITISH YOKE.

With the sacred motto left upon us by our ancestors "EITHER WITH IT, OR ON IT"

CYPRIOT BROTHERS, From the depths of the centuries we are watched by all those who shone upon Greek history to maintain our freedom, those who fought in Marathon, in Salamis, the 300 of Leonidas and those who more recently fought in the Albanian epoch. We are watched by the fighters of ‘21, who taught us that liberation from an occupier always comes through BLOOD. We are also watched by the rest of Hellenism with anticipation, but also with national pride.

Let us respond with deeds, that we “will better” them.

The time has come to show the world that if international diplomacy is UNFAIR and PUSILLANIMOUS, the Cypriot psyche is brave and if the powers that be do not want to grant us our freedom, we will claim it with our own HANDS AND BLOOD.

Let us show the world once more that a Greek’s neck will not tolerate the yoke. The struggle will be hard; the occupier has the means and the numbers.

However, we have the SOUL, and JUSTICE on our side. And that is why we shall be VICTORIOUS.

GLOBAL ENVOYS,

Take a look at your own actions. It is a disgrace in the 20th century for a nation to have to shed blood to gain its freedom, the holy gift for which we fought on your side and for which you yourselves claim to have fought against Nazism and Fascism.

HELLENES,

Wherever you are, hear our voice:

GO FORTH, ALL UNITED FOR THE LIBERATION OF OUR CYPRUS.....

E.O.K.A.

THE COMMANDER

D I G E N I S

direct translation from the original document released by EOKA

The military campaign officially began on 1 April 1955. On that date, EOKA launched simultaneous attacks on the British controlled Cyprus Broadcasting Station in Nicosia, undertaken by a team led by Markos Drakos, on the British Army's Wolseley barracks, and on targets in Famagusta, by a team led by Grigoris Afxentiou. EOKA's campaign initially targeted the British and those Greek Cypriots identified with them.[36]

Thereafter and unlike other anti colonial movements, EOKA confined its acts to sabotaging military installations, ambushing military convoys and patrols, and assassinating British soldiers and local informers. It did not attempt to control any territory, a tactic that according to Grivas would not have suited the terrain and size of Cyprus nor the imbalance of EOKA's conventional military capabilities with respect to the British Army.

Targets

British

A British soldier targeting Cypriot demonstrators in Nicosia, 1956
Georgios Grivas

EOKA's main target, as stated both in its initiation oath and its initial declaration of existence, was the British military. In total, during the campaign, EOKA engaged in 1,144 armed clashes with the British Army. About 53% of clashes took place in urban areas, whilst the rest took place in rural areas.[16]

During the course of the insurrection, 105 [lower-alpha 4] British servicemen were killed as well as 51 members of the police.[37]

Colonial and civilian police officers were targeted along with civilian British expatriates (including women and children) who were targeted due to their nationality.[38]

Greek Cypriots

Greek Cypriots suspected of being allied to the colonial forces and those believed to be informants were targeted. Although the extent of operations launched against Greek Cypriots was far smaller than those against the British military, they were much more efficient. In total, 230 assassination attempts were attributed to EOKA action. Of those, only 13 targets escaped unharmed, whilst 148 Greek Cypriots were killed and 69 were wounded.[16]

Among the 148 killings, 23 have since the end of the struggle been characterised as leftists. After the end of the struggle, there has been debate whether EOKA was also used to target individuals on the basis of their political affiliations, in particular if they did not correspond to Grivas' right-wing ideology and/or as a vehicle for settling personal differences. The communist party of AKEL and the EOKA veteran fighters have both been outspoken on this issue.[39][40]

Turkish Cypriots

One of the first actions of Field Marshal Sir John Harding, the newly appointed in 1955 governor of Cyprus, was to expand the numbers of auxiliary Cyprus Police. This was achieved by disproportionate recruitment from the Turkish-Cypriot community, an action that went against the advice of experienced colonial officials who knew that over-reliance upon a Turkish police force would alarm the Greek Cypriot population and likely lead to open conflict between the island’s ethnic communities[41] A new, separate "Special Mobile Reserve" unit was created, exclusively recruiting from the Turkish community.[41] Although EOKA's primary targets were British interests, Cypriots of Turkish descent, especially those serving the colonial security forces soon became targets.[41] Activity against Turkish Cypriots was initiated only after the anti-Greek Istanbul Pogrom of September 1955.[42] as the community and Turkey increased opposition to enosis and called for partition of the island.[36] The local Turkish community also used violence as the situation deteriorated.[36]

Communal violence, rare in Cyprus before the insurgency, flared up in 1956 and increased throughout EOKA's campaign.[41] In 1957, a Turkish Resistance Organization (TMT in Turkish) came into existence, being a rival paramilitary organisations. Though infrequently, EOKA and TMT did target each other's members with ferocity. In the worst period of such violence, in 1958, EOKA killed 55 Turkish Cypriots whilst TMT killed 60 Greeks.[43]

Events

On 16 June 1956, the bombing of a restaurant by EOKA led to the death of William P. Boteler, a CIA officer working under diplomatic cover. Colonel Grivas immediately issued a statement denying a deliberate attempt to target American citizens. He further warned American officials, for their own safety, to avoid the establishments patronised by "our British enemy."[44]

In October 1956, an EOKA leader was captured during the British forces' "Operation Sparrowhawk." The following year, Grigoris Afxentiou was cornered and forced into a firefight with a British detachment, where he eventually burned to death, in what became known as the Battle of Machairas. A number of other Greek fighters were hanged by the British forces for acts of terrorism and sabotage, including 19-year-old Evagoras Pallikarides.[45]

EOKA's activity continued until December 1959 when a cease-fire was declared which paved the way for the political rapprochement between Greece, Britain and Turkey that produced the Zürich agreement on the future of the country.

The EOKA campaign objectives were partially met when on 16 August 1960 Cyprus achieved independence from the United Kingdom, with the exception of two "Sovereign Base Areas" (SBAs) at Akrotiri and Dhekelia. The settlement explicitly denied Enosis, the union with Greece sought by EOKA. Although Cyprus gained its independence, this independence came with a complex constitution and the 1960 Treaty of Guarantee, a security arrangement comprising a three-way guarantee from Turkey, Greece and Britain that none of them would annex in the future the independent republic.

EOKA lawsuits against the British government

In 2011, EOKA veterans announced that lawsuits were being planned against British authorities. This was re-iterated in 2012.[46] The veterans association alleged that at least 14 Cypriots died and hundreds more could have been "tortured during interrogations" by the British during the 1955–1959 campaign. Two of those who allegedly died during interrogation were aged 17. The legal action comes on the back of the uncovering of secret documents released in 2011 which present similar practices during the Mau Mau Uprising in Kenya, during the same period.[47][48]

In 2018, Cypriot veterans won the right to claim damages over UK torture claims at court. The presiding judge dismissed arguments by the British government that the case should be judged under Cypriot law, which, if true, would have meant that the statute of limitations applied in the case. The judge commented that "It seems to me that, in this case at any rate, where a state stands to be held to account for acts of violence against its citizens, it should be held to account in its own courts, by its own law and should not escape liability by reference to a colonial law it has itself made." The Greek Cypriots also said that the International Red Cross archives containing eyewitness accounts from officials then working for the organization provide additional evidence of their claims.[49]

Foreign Office declassified documents

In 2012, Foreign Office released highly classified documents which described claims of torture and abuse between 1955-1959. In the reports it is revealed that officers of the colonial administration admitted to torture and abuse. In the same papers, there are allegations against British soldiers and security personnel concerning the murder of a blind man, ordering a Greek Cypriot to dig his own grave, and hitting a pregnant woman who subsequently miscarried. Other allegations include the 1958 mass arrest and beating of 300 civilians by colonial forces. In the incident, it is alleged that the British forces left some civilians behind, thinking they were dead. A woman provided details of her rape in a forest by members of the British Special Forces, and her subsequent "brutal interrogation" regarding her connection to EOKA.[49]

Dissolution and legacy

The EOKA campaign lasted officially until 31 March 1959. After independence, EOKA fighters formed regional associations, such as ΣΑΠΕΛ (acronym of "Σύνδεσμος Αγωνιστών Πόλεως και Επαρχίας Λεμεσού"; "SAPEL", "Union of Fighters of Limassol and district"), that have been participating in commemorations, museum collections etc. In the 1990s, a dedicated old people's home for ex-EOKA fighters was constructed in the village of Palodhia, near Limassol.

A memorial museum dedicated to the EOKA campaign was created in 1960. It is located in the centre of Nicosia.[50]

Monuments

There are various monuments dedicated to the members of EOKA who died during the years of combat who are largely regarded as war-time heroes by Greek-Cypriots.

Part of the central jail of Nicosia established by British governor Harding functions after the Cypriot independence as a museum. This includes the prisons cells, the gallows and the "Incarcerated Graves" of 13 EOKA fighters who were either executed or killed by the colonial authorities.[51]

In Larnaka, there are monuments dedicated to Michalakis Paridis, Grigoris Afxentiou, and on King Paul Square to Petrakis Kiprianou, a 17-year-old member of EOKA who was killed in the village of Ora on 21 March 1957.

In culture

  • In series three of the UK television series House of Cards, it is revealed that Prime Minister Francis Urquhart, during his military service in Cyprus in 1956, killed and burned the bodies of two young men who knew where EOKA fighters had stashed a cache of arms. Urquhart experiences guilty flashbacks throughout series three, and an important plotline revolves around several parties' investigations seeking documents related to the "EOKA graves".

See also

Notes

  1. ↑ more specific, EOKA is the acronym of the organisation's full name in Greek, Εθνική Οργάνωσις Κυπρίων Αγωνιστών, Ethniki Organosis Kyprion Agoniston (National Organisation of Cypriot Fighters), sometimes expanded as Εθνική Οργάνωσις Κυπριακού Αγώνος, Ethnikí Orgánosis Kipriakoú Agónos ("National Organisation of Cypriot Struggle").[2]
  2. ↑ OXEN, PEON and ThOI were Greek-Cypriot associations related to Church
  3. ↑ There is some controversy surrounding the Xhi organization as some sources consider it or its members to be Nazi collaborators while others consider it patriotic and anti-communist
  4. ↑ Official statistics, unofficial estimates at around 371 (see Simpson, Alfred William Brian)

References

  1. 1 2 Kraemer 1971, p. 146.
  2. ↑ The Editors of Encyclopaedia Britannica 2015.
  3. ↑ Karyos 2009.
  4. ↑ Ρίχτερ 2007, p. 23.
  5. 1 2 Mallinson 2005, p. 5.
  6. 1 2 Emerick 2014, p. 117-18.
  7. ↑ Ρίχτερ 2007, p. 157-194, chapter First World War.
  8. ↑ Lange 2011, p. 93.
  9. ↑ Bellingeri 2005, p. 21.
  10. ↑ Isachenko 2012, p. 37.
  11. 1 2 Ρίχτερ 2007, p. 114-15.
  12. ↑ French 2015, p. 17: French writes: "But Greek Cypriot teachers and parents insisted that education should follow a classical curriculum that promoted a Greek ethnic identity and preserved the Greek character of the island, a curriculum that also instilled into pupils a sense of historical awareness that supported their claims for Enosis.27"
  13. ↑ Κτωρής 2013, p. 80.
  14. ↑ Kizilyürek 2011, p. 198 - 199:The Turkish Cypriot nationalism mainly developed in reaction to the Greek Cypriot national desire for union with Greece. In the desire of the Greek Cypriots to unify with Greece, the Turkish Cypriot community saw a danger to its own existence. This perception of threat is partly related to the historical experience of the dissolution of the Ottoman Empire in a period of national movements, which ended up in creating independent nation states. The experiences of the Muslim population in the Balkans, where national struggles caused atrocities and deportation, were the main points of reference in the construction of Turkish Cypriot nationalism. Particularly, the example of Crete was to become among the Turkish Cypriots what can be called a ‘‘Crete syndrome’’. Crete’s attempts to unify with Greece and, finally, the realization of this dream of union in 1912 had resulted in the deportation of the Muslim population of the island and its emigration to Turkey. A few years later (1922), the expedition of the Greek army to Asia Minor increased the fears of uprooting among the Turkish Cypriots
  15. ↑ Mallinson 2005, p. 19.
  16. 1 2 3 Markides 1974.
  17. ↑ Θρασυβούλου 2016, p. 298.
  18. ↑ Novo 2012, p. 194T:he involvement of the church dictated the course of the EOKA struggle and imbued the cause of enosis with its own particular ideology: anti-communist, Greek, and Christian-Orthodox…(..) At the same time, the church’s ideological control and its uncompromising and exclusionary attitudes played an important role in setting Cyprus on its path to interethnic conflict and independence. Furthermore, traditional Greek-Cypriot accounts tend to downplay “[t]he role of religion in the Cyprus conflict,” but its influence cannot be denied (Hadjipavlou 2007:354). As in Mark Juergensmeyer’s Terror in the Mind of God, religion can play a role “as an ideology of public order” and be connected to “movements of religious nationalism.
  19. ↑ Βαρνάβα 2000, p. 88-105, Church and EOKA youth.
  20. ↑ Novo 2012, p. 195-196.
  21. ↑ Θρασυβούλου 2016, p. 300-303.
  22. ↑ Θρασυβούλου 2016, p. 316.
  23. ↑ Novo 2010, p. 64-69.
  24. ↑ Novo 2010, p. 64-65: While the antagonism between AKEL and EOKA was real and eventually bloody, the alleged ‘cooperation’ between AKEL and the British authorities did not happen.(...) EOKA’s right-wing ideology made it the exception to the rule of post-Second World War insurgencies. Such movements were most often led by communists who aimed at establishing new Marxist societies. This was the case in China, Malaya, Vietnam, and Cuba. As a nationalist and anti-communist movement, EOKA had far more in common with the Irgun and Stern Gang in late-1940s Palestine.
  25. ↑ Marshall 1997, p. 169.
  26. ↑ Becket 2001, p. 154.
  27. ↑ Αργυρού 2014, p. 341.
  28. ↑ Αργυρού 2014, p. 341-43.
  29. ↑
    • David French (29 September 2011). The British Way in Counter-Insurgency, 1945-1967. OUP Oxford. p. 1. ISBN 978-0-19-958796-4.
    Other scholars that described EOKA as terrorist organization, or their members as terrorist are: (not all inclusive list}
    • Edwards, Aaron (February 28, 2018). "Securing the base : Defending the realm?". Home. Retrieved September 24, 2018. British military intervention in Cyprus reached a crescendo in the major counter-insurgency campaign fought by the island's Security Forces between 1955 and 1959. The terrorist group EOKA, led by Colonel George Grivas, immediately embarked on enosis (union with Greece) through an armed campaign. EOKA was backed politically by Archbishop Makarios III, leader of the Cyprus Orthodox Church, who, while not taking an active part in the terrorist campaign himself, ‘hinted that the Church would not shrink from violence if necessary’.
    • Shughart, William F. (July 21, 2006). "An analytical history of terrorism, 1945–2000". Public Choice. Springer Nature. 128 (1–2): 7–39. doi:10.1007/s11127-006-9043-y. ISSN 0048-5829. A series of similar events played out in Cyprus, where, by 1955, the EOKA had succeeded in throwing the island into complete chaos. Never more than 400 active terrorists strong, the Greek Cypriot organization employed hit-and-run tactics against the much larger British security force deployed on station...(...).... . Britain reacted to the terrorists’ “apparent ability to strike anywhere, anytime” and to the growing “public frustration caused by disruption to daily life” by interning and then exiling Makarios to the Seychelles in 1956.
    • Audrey Kurth Cronin (24 August 2009). "Chapter 3: Success, Achieving the objective". How Terrorism Ends: Understanding the Decline and Demise of Terrorist Campaigns. Princeton University Press. pp. 73–93. ISBN 1-4008-3114-8.
    • Abrahms, Max; Lula, Karolina (2012). "Why Terrorists Overestimate the Odds of Victory". Perspectives on Terrorism. 6, no. 4/5: 46–62.
    • David French (2015). Fighting EOKA: The British Counter-Insurgency Campaign on Cyprus, 1955-1959. Oxford University Press. ISBN 978-0-19-872934-1.
    • Martha Crenshaw; John Pimlott (22 April 2015). "Terrorism in Cyprus". International Encyclopedia of Terrorism. Routledge. ISBN 978-1-135-91966-5.
  30. ↑ French 2015, p. 64.
  31. ↑ French 2015, p. 64-65.
  32. ↑ Kraemer 1971, p. 144.
  33. ↑ French 2015, p. 65-66.
  34. ↑ Novo 2010, p. 66:Because of Grivas’s central role in the creation of EOKA, its political credentials and organisation were a legacy of the Greek Civil War and the ideals of Xhi. After the disintegration of the Greek army in 1941, Grivas formed Xhi as a resistance organisation to combat the Nazi occupation. Almost as soon as it was formed, however, Xhi engaged in violence against the rival communist underground.118 Once Germany withdrew its forces from Greece, Xhi played a small role in the civil war, where its anti-communist role was front and centre. As one historian writes: ‘Upon Liberation it [Xhi] suddenly blossomed out as an aggressive, anti-Communist body.’119 Xhi’s rather dull performance during the occupation and its invigorated activity after the liberation meant that a number ‘of its [Xhi’s] associates were tainted with the stigma of collaboration; and its weapons, on the Colonel’s [Grivas’s] own admission, were obtained from the enemy [Germany]. For this reason, the British refused X[hi]’s offer to help fight the Communists in 1944’
  35. ↑ Ganser 2005, p. 213:The turn around of the British came as a shock to ELAS and its difficulties increased when former Nazi collaborators and right-wing special units, such as the fascist X Bands of Cypriot soldier George Grivas, with British support started to hunt and kill ELAS resistance fighters. Churchill, who observed the battle from a distance, noticed however that the X Bands, for complete lack of popular support, never numbered more than 600 Greeks and hence ELAS remained the strongest guerrilla on the territory
  36. 1 2 3 Weisburd 1997, p. 76.
  37. ↑ Simpson 2001, p. 893.
  38. ↑ Scobie 1975.
  39. ↑ Hazou 2005.
  40. ↑ Hadjistylianou 2005.
  41. 1 2 3 4 S. Croum 2006.
  42. ↑ Libitsiouni 2011, p. 56.
  43. ↑ Drousiotis 2005.
  44. ↑ Ted Gup 2000, p. 90.
  45. ↑ Simpson 2001, p. 876.
  46. ↑ "Cypriots to sue U.K. for alleged torture in '50s", Herald News, 1 November 2012
  47. ↑ Theodoulou, Michael (13 April 2011). "Greek Cypriots intend to sue Britain over torture in 1950s uprising". The Times. Retrieved 2011-05-09.
  48. ↑ Dewhurst, Patrick (14 April 2011). "EOKA fighters to sue Brits over torture". Cyprus Mail. Archived from the original on 18 May 2011. Retrieved 2011-05-09.
  49. 1 2 Eoka fighters win first historical torture battle in UK court
  50. ↑ Leonidou, Leo (June 22, 2006). "The flag that marked the end of colonial rule". Cyprus Mail. Archived from the original on 2007-05-26. Retrieved 2007-04-17.
  51. ↑ Brussel, Leen Van; Carpentier, Nico (2014). The Social Construction of Death: Interdisciplinary Perspectives. Springer. p. 177. ISBN 9781137391919.

Sources

Books

In Greek
  • Βαρνάβα, Αντρέας (2000) Η νεολαία στον απελευθερωτικό αγώνα της ΕΟΚΑ, Λευκωσία, Συμβούλιο Ιστορικής Μνήμης ΕΟΚΑ
  • Ρίχτερ, Χάιντς Α. (2007). Ιστορία της Κύπρου, τόμος πρώτος (1878-1949). Αθήνα: Εστία. ISBN 9789600512946. translated from the original Heinz Richter (2006). Geschichte der Insel Zypern. Harrassowitz Verlag. ISBN 978-3-447-05975-6.
  • Kizilyurek, Niyazi (1990). Ολική Κύπρος. Λευκωσία: Κασουλίδη.
  • Κτωρής, Σώτος (2013). Τουρκοκύπριοι: από το περιθώριο στο συνεταιρισμό, 1923-196. Αθήνα: Παπαζήσης. ISBN 9789600228984.
  • Θρασυβούλου, Μάριος (2016). Ο εθνικισμός των Ελληνοκυπρίων, από την αποικιοκρατία στην Ανεξαρτησία. Θεσσαλονίκη: επίκεντρο. ISBN 978-960-458-686-8.
In English
  • Ganser, Daniele (2005). Nato's Secret Armies: Operation Gladio and Terrorism in Western Europe. Routledge. p. 213. ISBN 978-0-7146-5607-6.
  • Foleÿ, Charles; Scobie, W. I. (1975). The struggle for Cyprus. Hoover Institution Press. ISBN 978-0-8179-1371-7.
  • French, David (2015). Fighting EOKA: The British Counter-Insurgency Campaign on Cyprus, 1955-1959. Oxford University Press. ISBN 978-0-19-872934-1.
  • Mallinson, William; Bill Mallinson (22 July 2005). Cyprus: A Modern History. I.B.Tauris. ISBN 978-1-85043-580-8.
  • Robert Tynes (20 August 2018). Tools of War, Tools of State: When Children Become Soldiers. SUNY Press. ISBN 978-1-4384-7200-3.
  • Beckett, Ian Frederick William (2001). Modern Insurgencies and Counter-insurgencies: Guerrillas and Their Opponents Since 1750. Psychology Press. ISBN 978-0-415-23934-9.
  • Keith Emerick (2014). Conserving and Managing Ancient Monuments: Heritage, Democracy, and Inclusion. Boydell & Brewer Ltd. ISBN 978-1-84383-909-5.
  • Matthew Lange (12 December 2011). Educations in Ethnic Violence: Identity, Educational Bubbles, and Resource Mobilization. Cambridge University Press. ISBN 9781139505444.
  • Giampiero Bellingeri; T. Kappler (2005). Cipro oggi. Casa editrice il Ponte. ISBN 978-88-89465-07-3.
  • Daria Isachenko (20 March 2012). The Making of Informal States: Statebuilding in Northern Cyprus and Transdniestria. Palgrave Macmillan. ISBN 9780230360594.
  • Simpson, Alfred William Brian (2001). Human Rights and the End of Empire: Britain and the Genesis of the European Convention. Oxford University Press. p. 893. ISBN 978-0-19-926789-7.
  • Arthur Mark Weisburd (25 April 1997). Use of Force: The Practice of States Since World War II. Penn State Press. ISBN 0271043016.
  • Ted Gup (2000). Book of Honor: Covert Lives and Classified Deaths at the CIA. Doubleday. ISBN 978-0-385-49293-5.

Journals

  • Karyos, Andreas (2009). "EOKA and Enosis in 1955-59: Motive and Aspiration Reconsidered" (PDF). London School of Economics.
  • Kraemer, Joseph S. (Winter 1971). "Revolutionary Guerrilla Warfare & the Decolonization Movement". Polity. 4 (2): 137–158. doi:10.2307/3234160. JSTOR 3234160.
  • Novo, Andrew R. (2012). "Friend or foe? The Cyprus Police Force and the EOKA insurgency". Small Wars & Insurgencies. Informa UK Limited. 23 (3): 414–431. doi:10.1080/09592318.2012.661609. ISSN 0959-2318.
  • Markides, Kyriakos C. (1974). "social change and the rise and decline of social movements: the case of Cyprus1". American Ethnologist. Wiley. 1 (2): 309–330. doi:10.1525/ae.1974.1.2.02a00070. ISSN 0094-0496.

Encyclopedias

  • The Editors of Encyclopaedia Britannica (2015). "EOKA". Encyclopædia Britannica. Encyclopædia Britannica, inc.
  • Martha Crenshaw; John Pimlott (22 April 2015). "Terrorism in Cyprus". International Encyclopedia of Terrorism. Routledge. ISBN 978-1-135-91966-5.

Thesis

  • Αργυρού, Σοφία (2014). The national movement of Greek Cypriots during the last period of British colonial rule 1945-1960 (PhD). Πάντειο Πανεπιστήμιο Κοινωνικών και Πολιτικών Επιστημών. Τμήμα Πολιτικής Επιστήμης και Ιστορίας.
  • Novo, A. R. (2010). On all fronts: EOKA and the Cyprus insurgency, 1955-1959 (PhD thesis). Oxford University, UK.
  • Λιμπιτσιούνη, Ανθή Γ. (2011). "Το πλέγμα των ελληνοτουρκικών σχέσεων και η ελληνική μειονότητα στην Τουρκία, οι Έλληνες της Κωνσταντινούπολης της Ίμβρου και της Τενέδου". University of Thessaloniki.

Web

  • Hadjistylianou, Michalis; Giorgos Ploutarhos (2005). "Οι δύο όψεις της ιστορίας για τους εκτελεσθέντες (The two views on the assassinations)". Simerini (in Greek). Archived from the original on 2008-02-25. Retrieved 2008-08-15.
  • Hazou, Elias (April 12, 2005). "Christofias comments spark EOKA storm". Cyprus Mail. Retrieved 2008-08-15.
  • S. Corum, James (2006). "Training Indigenous Forces in Counterinsurgency: A Tale of Two Insurgencies" (pdf). Strategic Studies Institute. U.S. Army War College. Retrieved 2009-05-03.
  • Drousiotis, Makarios (2005-04-25). "Our Haunted Country". Politis Newspaper. Retrieved 2009-05-03.

Further reading

Primary Sources
  • Grivas, George; Charles Foley (1964). The Memoirs of General Grivas. London: Longmans.
  • Makarios (Kypros, Archiepiskopos, III.) (1991). Hapanta Archiepiskopou Kyprou Makariou 3. Hidryma Archiepiskopou Makariou 3. ISBN 978-9963-556-44-1.
Secondary Sources
  • Holland, Robert (26 November 1998). Britain and the Revolt in Cyprus, 1954-1959. Clarendon Press. ISBN 978-0-19-820538-8.


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